By Sizwe Nyenyiso

Our country prepares for the 5th general elections since the collapse of the white minority supremacist government. Political parties of different ideologies are revealing their policies and preferred candidate lists for public representatives and office. The 5th general elections will continue to deepen our democratic gains and to protect freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution.

The Constitution provides for checks and balances to safeguard our democracy, including freedom of the press. It also provides for independent institutions supporting democracy, such as those commonly referred to as Chapter 9 institutions named after the chapter that establishes their existence. The revolutionary alliance made up by the African National Congress (ANC), South African Communist Party (SACP) and Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and extended to the South African National Civics Organisations (Sanco), fought for these checks and balances as constitutional guarantees. The alliance went further to entrench these in the supreme law of the land, the Constitution. It is therefore upon every South African to protect these hard won democratic gains from any abuse and manipulation, and the alliance that fought to secure these rights is still placed to play a leading role.

The demise of white minority supremacist government - the apartheid regime, did not automatically translate in the disappearance of white minority monopoly interests. On the contrary, such interests continue to try by all means to subvert the democratic gains we have achieved. The so-called Democratic Alliance (DA) became the bastion and agent of monopoly capital for perpetuating the legacy of apartheid, using the media and with various arms and branches of the state in the post-apartheid-demise. While the liberation movement has championed media and State transformation to reflect the aspirations of the poor and the historically marginalised majority, the remnants of the past continue to undermine these institutions. In pursuit of their narrow party political interest and the broader neo-liberal agenda, the DA implants its agents in these social structures, engendering dangers to our young democracy.

The media as one of the most important social instruments is expected to play a critical role in informing and educating the public in a manner that is balanced, fair, objective and non-partisan. This neutrality can only be protected if those in the newsrooms do not harbour any political agenda in conducting their work. This ethical requirement and expectation is a key pillar in promoting the integrity of journalism. Judging from the recent developments, it is clear that this ethical consideration has been badly betrayed by the cosy relationship between the DA and the media. The inclusion of journalists in the DA's candidate lists compromised the values of non-partisanship and neutrality by those who are expected to inform the public about the diverging views in society.

It is naïve and it would be inevitable to think that the first time these journalists became allegiant to the DA was when they were included in its candidate list. Unless compelling evidence is produced there can be no other conclusion than that they have all along been serving the DA in their line of duty, and their inclusion in its candidate list is a form of a reward. In this regard a detailed analysis of the media, particularly the manner in which the DA has enjoyed both coverage and what is none other than profiling is a strong piece of evidence.

It is not surprising but concerning that a number of journalists, including controversial Donwald Pressely is linked to the DA election list. Donwald Pressely's work as a DA representative in the Cape Town Press Club was noticeable over the years. As the Chairperson, he made the Press club a fiefdom of the DA and created a fertile environment that prioritised the articulation of DA policy and political direction.

Pressely was badly exposed when he tried to subject Minister Tina Joemat-Pettersson to the DA kangaroo court in May 2012. Minister Joemat-Pettersson had to protest after it became apparent that the press club breakfast that she was invited to was instead a DA accountability mechanism. As cde Jackson Mthembu correctly characterised the Cape Town Press Club then, "Pressely presided over an institution that was founded on questionable grounds…given the fact that generally the membership of a press club is a preserve of professionals in the media space who are expected to be objective and non-partisan when it comes to party politics."

Based on this evidence, the characterisation was correct that the commercial media oligopolies are part of an anti-majoritarian liberal agenda that seeks to discredit and portray our congress movement as led by ANC as corrupt while profiling the DA as a holly political entity. We are concerned that the manipulation of social instruments for narrow political ends risks the erosion of our democratic values. This is a serious assault to our democracy, a threat to a constitutional guarantee of the freedom of press. This partisanship risks the integrity and objectivity of the institutions that are entrusted with the duty to educate and form the public objectively. The resolution by the SACP to transform the media is therefore particularly as ever relevant and now urgent. In this context the SACP's call for review of media ownership and the extent of monopolisation to ensure diversity and tolerance to diverging views is critical.

This candidate list further exposes the DA agents that were planted in mass media, public and independent institutions, not for serving the South African public but to pursue a DA agenda. The SACP has cautioned against the risk posed by monopoly capital which constantly seeks to infiltrate the commanding heights of our society through aggressive lobbying and placement of candidates with the so-called like-minded candidates in key positions. The planting of these agents to steal and volunteer state information, collaborate with the private capital to amass state contracts and set up government institutions for failure is now publicly exposed. It is no longer secrete that these are DA agents in pursuit of foreign monopoly and local capital agenda, hence the extension of the ideological relationship in the media. The case in point is the appearance of both Glynnis Breytenbach and Ricardo McKenzie in the DA's election list.

To emphasise a point, it is naïve and it would be inevitable to think that the first time these individuals became allegiant to the DA was when they were included in its candidate list. These are few of the many agents that could have been serving other interests other than those institutions were created for. To this extent, these institutions were therefore infiltrated with a foreign agenda - an agenda other than the objects for which they were established. As part of our programme to build a capable democratic developmental state, it would be crucial going forward to put in place mechanism to deal decisively with entryism and infiltration in public and independent institutions. Indeed there could still be cases where public offices and institutions as well as independent ones are used to pursue DA and foreign agendas.

Meanwhile it is also not surprising that the DA is playing to the public gallery and the psych of our society by deepening its Black Political Empowerment (BPE) policy. The DA has always been known as a reformist entity that recycled remnants of the apartheid regime, hence its strong support base among the beneficiaries of apartheid. While the DA is predominately white, it is dreaming of capturing the so called "black vote" to capture state power in order to continue with its anti-working class policies as it is the case in the Western Cape. The DA hopes that the only way to attract black vote into its block is to capture the "inexperienced" black youth through foreign money and brand them with neo-liberal policies coupled with the same approach of the so-called prominent black individuals. This act of tokenism and BPE is done with a hope that those co-opted will in return deliver the black vote to the DA as a "return on investment".

However, this strategy has failed and continues fail. It is therefore important for the South African society not to be fooled by this act of tokenism while the DA is firm in its belief that where it governs every black person that exercises their right of freedom of movement is characterised as a refugee. This hypocrisy of prompting BPE while protecting white interest in the economic participation should be understood for what it is, a racist agenda masked with black co-opted skins. This is the same DA whose attitude against the empowerment of the previously disadvantaged was extremely exposed through their opposition to employment equity and affirmative action in particular.

South Africans must therefore vote for the future that is inclusive and that embraces the diversity of humanity: united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous society in which there is a better life for all. It is our conviction that the ANC in alliance with the SACP and the progressive trade union and civic movements is the only vehicle to deliver a society that is envisioned in the Freedom Charter, upon which our constitution is based in the first instance.

Sizwe Nyenyiso serves in the commission on the battle of ideas, the SACP the Brian Bunting District, and writes in his personal capacity.