Reflections from a Communist University: Need for patient
rebuilding of a left anti-imperialist movement

By Blade Nzimande, SACP General Secretary

The SACP was honoured by the invitation
to attend the first “Communist University of Workers and Students” in
over twenty years. This event was convened by the Communist Party of Britain
(CPB) from 13-15 June 2003 at the University of London. The primary aim
of this “university” was to provide a platform for communists and other
marxists to reflect on the current global situation, particularly in the
wake of the Iraqi invasion by the US and UK governments. In our South
African language, this was a political school drawing in members of the
CPB, left trade unionists, independent marxists and others.

This university was convened in the wake of what were possible
the biggest mass demonstrations and mobilisation in the UK and Europe
in the post Second World War period. In February, the Communist Party
of Britain played a leading role in mobilising and organising an estimated
2 million people to demonstrate against the war. The secretary of the
Stop-the-War campaign is a leader of the CPB. So this communist university
was an opportunity to reflect on these successes, and debate how communist,
worker and other left parties should seek to build on this massive mobilisation
towards the formation of a durable global anti-imperialist movement. The
challenge posed for communist and other progressive forces at the “university”,
was that of seeking to weld the anti-globalisation protests and the Stop
the War campaign into laying foundations for an anti-imperialist movement.

Participating in this communist university provided another
important international platform to reflect together with other communists
on the global situation from a consistently Marxist perspective – a very
refreshing exchange in itself – and also to interact with communists from
the Sudan, Iraq, Cuba, Greece, Iran, the UK, India and South Africa. The
presence of senior leadership from the Iraqi Communist Party – who are
already back in the country after decades of exile - provided a unique
insight into developments in Iraq at the moment. It is clear that there
is inevitable and growing resentment amongst the Iraqi people towards
the occupation of their country. The Iraqi people are clearly rejecting
manoeuvres by the US occupying army to install a puppet regime, and the
Americans might get more than they bargained for.

Iraqi Communists

What is heartening is that the Iraqi Communist Party is emerging as one
of the more organised political formations in the post-Saddam Iraq, thus
placing it in an important position to impact on the transition there.
At the moment, there is chaos in Iraq, with a serious breakdown of law
and order. The US seems primarily concerned with securing oil installations
and other assets important to their imperialist designs, and leaving the
rest to be policed by the army, principally through repression. This in
fact sets the scene for a very long struggle between the US and the Iraqi
people, whose outcome may in the end not favour the imperialist agenda,
unless the US embarks on even more severe repression, thus pre-empting
any emergence of a democratic order. This underlines the need for continued
mobilisation in support of the position of the Iraqi Communist Party for
a national conference on the transition, convened by the United Nations
and not the US and UK.

The British Labour Party and the failure of Blair’s Third Way

The Communist University was seen by the CPB as the first step towards
repositioning and strengthening the Party in the wake of new opportunities
provided by the mobilisation around the war and growing dissatisfaction
within the ranks of the labour movement. It is clear that the CPB has
a long way to go, but, as the Chinese would say, a journey of a thousand
miles starts with the first mile. To this end, discussions and debates
at the university highlighted some new trends beginning to emerge not
only in the British labour movement, but also in the rest of Europe and
the US.

It seems as if the Cold War “pact” between western governments
and their labour movements is beginning to unravel for two reasons. Firstly,
the neo-liberal attack on the welfare state, rolling back some of the
gains and protection that the working classes in these countries had secured,
is beginning to expose them to the harshest realities of the capitalist
market. These include retrenchments, rising unemployment, casualisation
and privatisation of basic services on an unprecedented scale. For instance,
there is increasing relocation of production capacity to some of the underdeveloped
countries, which has a huge negative impact on these working classes.

Secondly, now that the Soviet Union no longer exists, it
seems as if the “compromise” between capital and labour that was so necessary
to shield these working classes from “Soviet Communist influence” is also
falling apart. Advanced capitalism needs this working class less as an
ally than a producer of surplus labour. This situation seems to be leading
to the replacement of the old “Cold War” leadership at the helm of many
trade unions, with a younger and more radical leadership. Consequently,
many communists – who before were actively marginalised and removed from
senior trade union positions – are now being elected into senior positions.
The emerging younger workers and leadership has less experience of trade
unionism and trade union life during the cold war. This will not automatically
translate into sympathy with socialism, but it provides new opportunities
for socialist propaganda and education in the trade union movement. The
challenge – as identified at the communist university – is how to exploit
this situation in order to rebuild a left trade union movement in Europe.

Back to basics

In confronting this challenge, debates at the “university” also focused
on the need for communists to go back to the basics. Possibilities of
a radical labour movement, the growing aggression of imperialism, and
growing anti-imperialist sentiment amongst ordinary people, all point
to the need to revisit communist strategies in the current period. To
this end, there was emphasis on focusing communists on the issue of building
the widest possible alliances with progressive forces, cadreship development
of a new kind, and communist activism through campaigns that are focused
on the immediate needs of ordinary people and the condition of the working
class.

Battle of ideas

In carrying out these tasks, the area of the battle of ideas becomes
key. Imperialism, particularly after the end of the Cold War and even
more so since September 11, has deepened its control over major national
and global media institutions. This means that the left generally has
to devise a much more systematic strategy to try and counter this.

The aim of capitalist and imperialist media, as we reminded
ourselves at the “university”, is nothing but a vehicle for the dominant
ideology whose purpose is to conceal the contradictions of contemporary
global society, and reproduce capitalist hegemony. To this end, there
was wide canvassing of the possibility of seeking to co-ordinate and harmonise
media activities and institutions in the hands of all communist and progressive
forces globally. The internet, amongst other things, provides an important
weapon in this regard, as well as other existing communist and left newspapers
and radio outlets.

Whilst this is going to be a long and hard struggle, the
“university” began to reflect the extent to which there is growing confidence
once more amongst communist and other progressive forces. Perhaps this
might also be an indication that we have now at least overcome the blow
of the collapse of the Soviet Union and it is time to seriously start
rebuilding.

Communists and Religion

Another important topic touched upon at the “university”
was that of religion and communism. Whilst reaffirming our general understanding
and characterisation of religion, the one major conclusion reached was
that this is an important site of struggle, with religion being a living
material force in our societies. More important was the conclusion that
imperialism is the biggest manipulator of religion, particularly in developing
countries, in order to advance its goals. For example, if it suits imperialism,
it would sponsor and reinforce religious fundamentalism (e.g. the mujahadeen
in Afghanistan in order to fight the Soviet Union), but at the same time
would use its very own product (right-wing fundamentalism) as an excuse
to attack countries.

The US is the leading sponsor of right-wing evangelical
movements, particularly in developing countries, as a way of depoliticising
the mass of the people and defeating progressive movements. South Africa
itself is witnessing the growth of these evangelical missions, centred
around “popular” individual preachers, some of whom urge our people not
to respect any worldly authority (including legitimate governments), but
to respect only “God”. It is clear that this is a matter that requires
the attention of all progressive forces. The view at the university was
the need to work with progressive religious forces (e.g. liberation theologians
and religious movements), and to deepen the struggle for the separation
of state and religion. This is a matter that all communist parties will
have to continue sharing experiences on, as a critical site for the battle
of ideas and anti-imperialist struggles.

Aluta continua

Difficult as the struggles that lie ahead will be, it is clear that the
consolidation of imperialist dominance is not without its contradictions.
The Washington Consensus has clearly failed as poverty is deepening in
the world. The Blairite “third way” is also failing, as everywhere it
is nothing more other than an attempt to give neo-liberalism a human and
democratic face. There is also a resurgence of the left in Latin and South
America, its most recent expression being the Lula victory in Brazil and
growing mass movements for people’s power. There are still in existence
strong communist parties in the former Soviet bloc, some of whom are making
impressive electoral gains. All these, as well as some restlessness in
the European labour movement and the struggles for the renewal of the
African continent, provide a new platform for rebuilding the communist
movement. The anti-war movement provides an immediate platform around
which to launch this rebuilding process.

The anti-war mass struggles have also managed to assist
the left to break out of the post-September 11 “You are either with us
or with terrorism” paradigm. These mass struggles have enabled the left
to say we are neither for imperialism nor terrorism but we are for a just,
equitable world order. And this is increasingly finding resonance with
the mass of the people throughout the world.

We congratulate the CPB and its General Secretary, Cde Rob
Griffiths for convening this communist university and providing yet another
platform for communists to share experiences and ideas. Let a thousand
communist universities bloom!

Can
we talk about freedom of speech in South Africa given that the
media is owned and controlled by a few? Ja, nee! Yes, because of the legal
and constitutional framework coupled with practice and commitment. No
because, it is freedom of expression for a few.

Over the weekend, the South African Communist Party submitted
substantial comment on the editorial policies, funding and role of the
SABC in our society. The process and discussions which shaped this submission
reaffirmed the long-standing SACP repudiation of the falsity that the
media is a neutral arbiter and analyst of society seemingly above and
outside of ongoing contestations and struggles. To be sure, the SACP believes
that South African media still represents the ruling class in the ongoing
ideological battles and power relations based on race, class and gender
inequalities in our society. The majority of South Africans do not have
access to alternative media platforms and institutions.

The media in South Africa is shaped by the same political,
social and economic forces which have shaped our society over several
decades. At the same time, the media has itself in various ways and at
different points contributed to the development of these forces. Under
the apartheid state, the media played a leading role in propping up white
support for the dominant political ideology. A smaller section of this
media played a role at different points in challenging this ideology.
But what role has the media played in our new democracy? The media plays
a much greater role in informing and forming public opinion amongst a
significant section of our populace.

In many instances, the media has assigned for itself the
role of being protectors of South Africa's liberty against "the natural
inclination of a predominantly black government to dictatorship and corruption"
and to, overtly and covertly, promote a virulent agenda against the interests
of the majority of the people.

This situation has been allowed to continue without a serious
vision, strategy and mobilisation from working class forces. As progressive
and working class forces in South Africa have paid insufficient attention
to the transformation, democratisation and diversification of media ownership,
control and content.

The public discussion of the SABC editorial policies and
its role must also be directed to probe fundamental questions about South
African media. As much as the SABC is a public broadcaster, it would be
a strategic mistake to leave the rest of South African media un-challenged
and un-transformed with regard to its ownership, control, content and
agenda. What is the nature of the relationship between the ruling class
and the media? What role does the media play in the social, political,
economic and cultural aspects of our society? Whose views, interests and
perspectives does the media reflect and perpetuate? Which class interests
does the media advance? What is the working class vision of a transformed
media? How do progressive forces achieve this vision?

Ownership and Control of SA Media Inc.

The Position Paper on the Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA)
published in 2000 by the Government Communication and Information Systems
provides a revealing profile of media ownership in South Africa. This
media ownership profile still reflects the deeply embedded fissures and
divisions within society as well as the distribution of power in favour
of hegemony by a small number of people not elected by, and accountable
to anyone other than their profit interests. The irony is that these narrow
interests are projected daily as the best interests of the nation. The
MDDA Position Paper correctly states that “Media ownership is still concentrated
and does not meet the needs of all groups and interests.”

Through inter-locking directorships, holding and ownership
arrangements, these major media players are in turn themselves closely
linked with important sections of domestic and international capital,
which actually run and control the South African economy. Clearly then
South African media, despite claims to the contrary and indiscreet charms,
is a central cog in the continued domination of the South African economy
and major institutions of culture, by a small ruling class.

The same media houses which own print media also dominate
media distribution. This effectively monopolises distribution and kills
off any competition from smaller operators. It is important that working
class forces mobilise to ensure that this practices is regulated and capped
through legislation.

In addition to these structural deficiencies, the media
itself faces major challenges with regard to equity, skills development
and improvement of working conditions. Admittedly, the last two years
have seen the managerial and editorial promotion of black individuals
in the media. This kind of active promotion holds out more transformational
possibilities. In principle, the promotion of individuals with an organic
connection to poor working class communities can help (and in practice
is often helping) to change the character of various media institutions.
However, here too, matters cannot be taken for granted, the core objective
of media diversification must be overall and collective transformation,
not just individual promotion.

What the media covers

The crux of the media ownership and control question
is directly related to the what and how of what is covered by the media.

Most often than not, it is the opponents of the transformation
agenda of government who find disproportionately more space to articulate
their views. Instead of debate, media is dominated by sound bytes from
political and business elites that do not stand for fundamental transformation
of our society at the expense of a sober analysis of mattes of national
importance.

Many media houses claim that the ‘market’ determines what
our media covers. The so-called market still embodies and reproduces the
same class, race and gender legacy we inherited from apartheid. There
is a link between the 'market' and the continued reproduction of class,
racial and gender inequalities. Many atimes, the interests and needs of
the ‘market’ have become the convenient explanation for the media to deny
or defuse issues of black people, women and the black working class.

The Independent Newspapers’ Group runs the Business Report
as a daily business section in all its newspapers. The Business Report
provides important economic, company, policy and international trade issues.
BUT, from what perspective? To illustrate, the Business Report provides
various local and international economic indices and indicators which
can be used to determine economic and other policies. But.the economic
indices the Business Report focuses on are informed by how private companies
and shareholders can maximise their returns. Of course, the SACP accepts
that these indicators are useful in assessing economic growth and development.
But, even if we live in a capitalist economy, this exclusive focus on
narrowly-defined economic indices limits space for real debates and consideration
of diverse options on sustainable and job-creating economic growth and
development. If the Business Report was really about enriching public
debate and information on economic trends, then, as a patriotic South
African newspaper it would have long developed economic indicators on
other aspects of the economy relevant to the majority of our people. These
indicators could be tracking poverty indicators, service delivery indicators,
impact of retrenchments on livelihoods of communities, retrenchments watch,
and so on.

Through its Editor-at-large, Robyn Chalmers, the Business
Day has, over the last three years, acted as the shop-steward for privatisation
without, at the same time, allowing for objective public debate which
would have allowed a range of voices to contribute to a debate on the
role of state-owned enterprises. Despite of the introduction of the column
by the COSATU economist, Neva Makgetla, the content of the Business Day
is geared towards securing increasing acceptance of a free market economy
as if there should be no public debate.

Another example is how most of the print media has acted
as overzealous shopstewards of big business is the systematic attack on
organised workers. The most sinister of these attacks has been an attempt
to project the gains of organised workers (e.g. worker friendly labour
laws) as the principal cause of unemployment and poverty. These attacks
have also demonised organised workers as being responsible for the very
same retrenchments they have been victims of. Even more sinister in these
attacks have been attempts to project working class struggles as being
directly at the expense of the poor. The SACP understands these attacks
as neo-liberal ideological distortions informed and motivated by the class
interests of the owners of South African media.

The less said about the Citizen and the Star newspapers the better. We
suspect that there must be a “Dial the DA to make a story” provision in
the editorial codes of these 2 newspapers. Out of 78 press statements
that the SACP has issues on a diverse range of important issues this year,
the Star would be performing extremely if it has given coverage to at
least five of these statements. Yet the Star claims to be important carriers
of news and information. What a cheat!

The reforming Mail and Guardian is beginning to provide a breath of fresh
air in this otherwise stifling media environment, yet it has a long way
to go.

Freedom of Speech?

It is folly to talk about these rights and freedoms whilst ignoring and
without changing the current media ownership and control patterns and
structures. In fact, for the majority of our people these and freedoms
are meaningless as these rights, in these circumstances, essentially mean
freedoms for a largely white (albeit slightly transformed), male rich
oligarchies to express and present its views as the national view, and
this, at the expense of the wide array of opinions and views in our diverse
and overwhelmingly working class society. A fundamental pre-condition
to realise freedom of speech in South Africa is the diversification of
media ownership and control.

This situation privileges and entrenches the freedom of expression of
an elite at the expense of the interests, issues and experiences of the
majority of our people. This situation is an anti-thesis to the role which
should be played by a truly free and independent media in a free and democratic
country.

Towards a vision

The progressive movement in our country must start a debate on what is
our vision of a transformed media in our country. This debate must deliberately
focus on how to change the ownership and control patterns in the media,
including distribution.

Given the predominance of private commercial media in our
country, the role of the SABC is important in ensuring that a diversity
of opinions and viewpoints are indeed reflected in the content of what
the media covers.

Issues of ownership, control, transformation, democratisation
and diversification of the media are as important as addressing our capacity
as the democratic forces to communicate effectively. This includes the
capacity to influence how the messages and content of our transformation
are mediated through the media.

The impact of community media will also be important and
hopefully the MDDA, as meek as its programmes are, can address the fundamental
problems affecting this sector. The community sector that has seen the
roll-out of a hundred stations since 1994. It relies on grants, some form
of government support and advertising revenue for its survival. The community
stations that thrive are those that are able to draw considerable advertising
revenues. However, the task does not end there given that dominant interests
in localities can drive and subvert real, democratic and developmental
community media. And thus the need for workers and other progressive forces
to play a central role in the community media sector.

As the progressive movement we need to grow and build cultural
and media activism because in this way “consumers”, “users” of the media
can work collectively to air their voices and issues to the media from
the perspective of the majority. Otherwise the opinion pieces, letters
to editors and phone calls to talkshow become complaint forums for a well-resourced
and vocal elite. The Friends of the Public Broadcaster initiative, started
a few years ago, is the kind of media activism we need.

The critical steps to start this discussion would be a national
media transformation network or forum focusing on the SABC and the transformation
and diversification of the media. This forum must also provide space for
inter-action with, and mobilisation of media workers who are important
motive forces in the media transformation agenda.

For the next few years, the SACP will take forward these
initial perspectives to ensure that the media in our country is indeed
transformed.

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