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People's Power - the 20th Anniversary of the UDF
By Blade Nzimande, SACP General Secretary
This week we celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the launch of the
United Democratic Front. The UDF played an absolutely critical role in
our transition to democracy. The political culture and traditions it
helped to nurture continue to impact significantly on the present.
Launched on August 20th 1983, the UDF was a front
of some 700 civic, workers, women's, student, youth, faith-based, sporting
and cultural
affiliates. Its initial objective was to organise a massive boycott of
the apartheid regime's constitutional reform measures, designed to include
Coloured and Indians in junior parliaments within a "tricameral" system,
and to provide for some dummy representation for urban Africans at the
township level. The boycotts in 1984 succeeded dramatically, putting
the regime's "reformist" agenda completely off-balance.
But if the UDF was a front of hundreds of affiliates, it was also a
front for the banned ANC and its alliance partners, the SACP and SACTU.
The overwhelming majority of UDF activists saw themselves as ANC-aligned.
Following the success of the boycott campaign, the UDF increasingly occupied
the vacuum of above-board national political organisation and mobilisation.
However, not all ANC supporters within the country immediately accepted
the UDF. Key progressive trade unions remained outside of the UDF, although
after the 1985 launch of COSATU, the working relationship became very
close.
People's Power
It was in the course of 1985 that the UDF, propelled by events on the
ground in numerous townships, made perhaps its most significant contribution.
Following the successful election boycott in April 1994, the UDF was
uncertain of a precise way forward.
Then a new wave of popular struggle, beginning in the Vaal Triangle
in September 1994, provided fresh challenges. This new upsurge was not
initially directed by the UDF, it emerged out of the social crises in
the townships of the Vaal, in Tumahole, Atteridgeville, the East Rand,
and Cradock. Absolutely critical to these developments were thousands
of activists, one of the most outstanding was Matthew Goniwe, a school
teacher in Cradock, an underground SACP cadre, and soon thereafter a
martyr.
In townships like these, the struggle moved up a gear from boycott to
ungovernability, rendering key townships semi-liberated zones, at least
for months at a time. And then, organically, these struggles began to
address the challenge of moving from relative ungovernability (by the
apartheid regime) to self-governance, people's power. This grass-roots
popular power organised street committees, people's courts, alternative
education, people's parks, rubbish removal, and, later, self-defence
units.
Much of this happened organically, more or less spontaneously in the
context of township crises and struggles. However, the UDF increasingly
provided a strategic theoretical perspective to these developments. It
helped to popularise the idea of people's power, using its web of affiliate
networks, it spread the example of one township to other townships. ANC
and SACP underground structures, and media from our formations, including
the very influential role of Radio Freedom, were also central to advancing
these strategic perspectives.
It is interesting to note how the UDF began to understand this emergent
people's power at the time. The official journal of the UDF, Isizwe,
wrote:
"It is true that the fullest consolidation of
people's power is still in the future. It is true that control over
central state power
is the key to many things
Nevertheless, the building of people's power
is something that is already beginning to happen in the course of our
struggle. It is not for us to sit back and merely dream of the day that
the people shall govern. It is our task to realise that goal now."
It is possible to discern in this passage an identical
logic (although, of course, referring to a related but different content),
to the logic
that informs the SACP's current slogan, "Socialism is the Future,
Build it Now". Struggle on the ground enabled the UDF to understand
that the future had to be built in the present. Mass mobilisation is
not just a tap to be turned on and off, depending on some national political
objective. Mass mobilisation is not just directed instrumentally at a
single objective - the capture of state power (whether by insurrection
or election). The character and quality of the future is determined,
in considerable measure, by the form and content, the transformative
nature of tens of thousands of actual, present-day struggles of working
people and the poor.
Social movements
The 20th anniversary of the UDF comes at a time when debate about the
role and trajectory of social movements is again an important and
contested subject. This past weekend's Secretariat Political Report to
the Central
Committee, devoted considerable attention to the topic of social
movements.
In our discussions as the CC we agreed that there
were two tendencies that need to be avoided when approaching social
movements in our current
situation. The one tendency is over-bureaucratisation, which can occur
from within or from without. There is a danger that social movements
will be captured by elite gate-keepers, transforming them from vibrant
localised activities and struggles, into national formations that act
as interlocutors with government "on behalf of" a real or claimed
constituency. A related, but converse tendency, occurs when there is
simple irritation and dismissiveness on the part of authorities when
social movements are not easily funnelled into this kind of tame bureaucratic
compliance, acting as transmission belts for government.
On the other hand, there is the very real danger
that social movements will increasingly appropriate what is, in fact,
a liberal perspective
on state power. This is the danger that they will increasingly develop
an anti-politics politics, seeing themselves as, by definition, oppositionist. "Ungovernability" becomes
an end in itself. This latter danger gravely underestimates the significance
of our democratic, popular breakthrough in 1994. It abandons the possibilities
opened up by a range of new potential sites of popular power - from localised
community policing forums and ward committees to national structures
like parliament and government departments. Needless to say, where social
movements neglect active engagement with the state, they contribute to
the bureaucratisation of the state, rather than helping to transform
it.
For all of these reasons, it is important how we
remember the UDF in the present, how we draw lessons from this important
chapter of our struggle
history. In some quarters, there is a tendency to present the UDF experience
as an "alternative" to the ANC, or to draw a crude division
(as if it were possible to do this) between comrades emerging from the
UDF experience and those "from exile". This is dangerous, divisive
and historically inaccurate. It is, therefore, very correct that cde
Frank Chikane, once a key UDF leader and now the most senior official
in the Presidency, should write that the UDF was "the direct result
of a strategic decision of the liberation movement to intensify the levels
of mass resistance inside the country."
Cde Chikane is right to assert this. Just as it would be right to assert
that the UDF was the direct result of relatively autonomous, township
based struggles against repression. The UDF was also the direct consequence
and inheritor of a long tradition of communal and solidaristic struggles,
ranging from village izimbizo, to stokvels and burial societies, through
to the more overtly political traditions of the Congress of the People,
and the defiance campaigns. The UDF was also the direct result of the
1976 semi-insurrectionary struggles of township students, and of a growing
sense of black solidarity among African, Coloured and Indian youth. It
was the direct result of the growing urbanisation and proletarianisation
of African people, and the re-emergence of radical trade-unionism. It
was a direct response, also, to the apartheid regime's repressive-reform
strategy.
The UDF was inspired by the ANC-led liberation movement. But the UDF
also inspired the liberation movement, helping to develop in practice
a qualitatively new element (organs of popular power) within our struggle,
and in the concrete conditions of South Africa .
In 2003, we must not fall behind the achievements of the mid-1980s,
by seeking to bureaucratise, manipulate or even demobilise social movements.
Equally, in 2003, we must not fall behind the breakthrough of 1994, conducting
ourselves as if we had no access to, or responsibility for state power.
As last weekend's Central Committee affirmed, we must continuously fuse
state power and popular power. We must build an active, effective developmental
state and vibrant social and community based formations rooted amongst
the working class.
"
APARTHEID DIVIDES, UDF UNITES"
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To lose a provincial leader of our Party is a huge loss. This becomes
an even bigger blow considering the death of someone only 31 years
old, who also had a very bright future and would certainly have become
a leading national figure of our Party and in the national political
life of our country. The SACP dips its revolutionary banner in honour
of this young lion - a loyal cadre, a revolutionary, a communist
activist!
Tribute to a generation
Smiso Nkwanyana was part of a generation of young communists who
currently form the backbone of our Party. At our 11th Congress about
47% of our delegates were between the ages of 30-39. It is actually
this generation that has been in the forefront of rebuilding the
Party in the 1990s. Our detractors have sometimes sniped at us for
this youthful character of our Party. Indeed this poses a huge challenge
to the SACP, in terms of cadre development and ideological strengthening
of our Party. But this generation has provided us with something
unique. As they learn from the Party, the Party has also learnt from
them. It is through this thoroughly dialectical process for instance
that the Party has been growing stronger.
The Smiso Nkwanyana generation is primarily made up of young workers,
former SASCO activists, and youth drawn from other progressive youth
organisations. It is a very active layer of our Party, bringing youth
energies into the Party, deeply interested in reading and debating
Marxism-Leninism, and very loyal to the ideals of the national democratic
revolution and socialism. It is this layer that has contributed immensely
in focusing our Party on programme based activism, through our many
campaigns, principally the Red October campaign. They brought into
the Party the experiences, energy and enthusiasm of youth struggles
of the mid to late 1980s
When Cde Smiso was elected provincial secretary of KwaZulu Natal
province in 1999, he was only 27 years old. At the time he took over,
our Party was extremely weak in the KZN province and had been experiencing
a decline. Many in our ranks expressed some doubt at the time on
whether Smiso would be able to perform this function. Working together
and with the guidance of the likes of cdes Willies Mchunu, Eric Mtshali,
Yunus Carrim and Ben Dikobe Martins, Smiso blossomed in an almost
unprecedented way. He led the growth of the Party to become one of
our strongest provinces in the country and a highly respected and
dependable component of our Alliance in KZN.
Smiso the communist
One of the fundamental qualities of Cde Smiso was his complete loyalty
to the vision and programme of the SACP. Already by the time he died
he had completed the provincial plans for the 2003 Red October campaign
and had them tabled and approved by the provincial executive committee.
It was this loyalty that saw the Party in that province implementing
our Party programmes to the letter. Under his leadership the Party
in KZN managed to stage some of the biggest events ever held by the
Party in that province. For instance the national 80th anniversary
programme saw a rally of more than 5000 people in Durban. The launch
of our banks campaign in 2000, saw a march of more than 10 000 people
in the streets of Durban. Our 2002 Red October campaign mobilised
and assisted in social security grants registration of thousands
of those who qualified but were outside government's social security
system. Through these activities the Party in the province has produced
a permanent core of communist volunteers known as the Red October
Brigades. It was these brigades that led and drove the 2003 Right
to Learn campaign undertaken by the KZN province to assess and assist
with registration of students at schools, particularly ensuring that
children from poor families were not being excluded. Smiso, like
a true communist, was an activist, who always wanted to see the Party
in action. We will sorely miss this activism.
Smiso was building on a great tradition of great communists produced
by that province - Johannes Nkosi, Moses Mabhida, Steven Dlamini,
Harry Gwala and Mzala Nxumalo. Smiso understood that to be a true
communist means placing the interests of the people above personal
interests. He lived and died as that, a people's person totally committed
to the interests of the workers and the poor. Given his talent, dedication
and sharp intellect, Smiso could have been anywhere. But he chose
to remain and serve the Party on a full-time basis on a very modest
monthly salary and with very minimal resources.
Smiso strove to educate himself and was a voluminous reader of both
the Marxist classics and contemporary communist literature. He hated
opportunism and careerism, and was very forthright in expressing
his views, without fear or favour. In the same vein he liked to provoke
debate at every moment on a range of issues confronting the Party,
our Alliance and the revolution as a whole. It was these qualities
that earned him, at this young age the complete respect of all the
Alliance components in our province. He was building a fiercely independent
Party, yet loyal to the ANC-led Alliance. He never saw a contradiction
between an independent Party and membership of the Alliance.
Smiso, the ANC cadre
Smiso knew, understood and insisted that a good communist must be
in the ANC. He was a very committed member and cadre of the ANC.
He strongly believed that the strengths of the Party must always
translate into building a strong ANC. He used to insist that of what
use is a strong SACP branch if the ANC branch was weak in a particular
locality. He also believed strongly that an independent Party with
its own programmes adds quality to the ANC and the Alliance as a
whole.
Though when he took over as provincial secretary he was an angry
young man, intolerant of criticism levelled at the Party, he had
grown to deal with these in a very mature manner. He had mastered
the art of handling differences in the Alliance, and had consequently
developed a very close relationship and understanding with the ANC's
provincial secretariat, Cdes Sipho Gcabashe and Senzo Mchunu.
It was this commitment to building a strong ANC that led to his
appointment as ANC deputy elections co-ordinator in the province.
The best way for us to honour this communist would be an electoral
victory for the ANC in KwaZulu Natal. Smiso was enjoying his election
work, difficult and complex as it is in a province like KZN.
Smiso the COSATU activist
Cde Smiso spent a considerable amount of his time doing work in
COSATU and its affiliates. Cde Zwelinzima Vavi, the General Secretary
of COSATU best captures the work he was doing in COSATU, in his tribute
to Smiso. Addressing our last Central Committee Cde Vavi said he
was not sure who is the bigger loser in Smiso death, whether it was
the SACP or COSATU. This was because Smiso was doing a lot of work
with all the COSATU affiliates. Cde Vavi said whatever solution to
whatever problem confronting any COSATU affiliate; Smiso was part
of developing that solution. It was of no surprise to Cde Vavi and
all of us that the last task he was doing before his death was related
to assisting in dealing with problems in SAMWU.
For Smiso work in COSATU was part of building and forging a closer
relation between organised workers and the SACP. He understood that
the SACP could never be strong unless COSATU was strong. His work
in the trade unions is also graphically described by KZN SACP provincial
chair, Cde Willies Mchunu. When Cde Willies was elected provincial
chairperson he told himself that one of the ways he was going to
assist the young Smiso, was by concentrating on building relations
and engaging with the trade union movement. Cde Willies is a stalwart
of the trade union movement, having been in NUMSA for a number of
decades prior to 1994. But Willies concedes now that Smiso ended
up embarrassing him by the manner in which he excelled in doing work
with the trade unions on his own.
Smiso: the gender activist
Comrade Smiso was also remarkable for how he grappled with the issue
of gender equality in his political and personal life. He was always
concerned with that the Party must not just theorise the gender struggle.
As a result, earlier this year he worked with SADTU in KwaZulu Natal
to ensure that a joint gender political school was held in June and
an agreement was reached with SADTU that this would be an annual
gender school.
He loved his wife and children dearly. He would not start any long
meeting without having called his wife, Gcina, to find out how she
was and also trying to explain his wisb to be with his famuily. As
Gcina's message at the funeral said, Smiso's best playmate was their
three-year old Olwethu. He did this as his own contribution to shared
family duties.
His death has stolen from us a communist activist in the gender
struggle.
Hamba kahle Zikode
Smiso was a personification of the glue that has held our Alliance
together. Cde Smiso's role was never limited to the KZN province.
He was a very important part of our Central Committee, a good debater
and builder of the Party nationally. He also represented the Party
in many international engagements, including being in delegations
to China, Cuba and Vietnam.
We will sorely miss him, his kindness, his unique laughter and dedication
to the cause of the workers and the poor. We shall honour him by
building an even stronger, more activist and programme based communist
party! We will unswervingly implement our medium term vision, which
he fondly referred to, as our "MTV".
Hamba Kahle Zikode
Nyoni yaphesheya koThukela
Endize yathi cababa EThekwini
Keph'izimpiko zayo ezibomvu
Zasabalala zafukamela izwe lonke
Ingqungqulu ebomvu
Ememeze eMgungundlovu
Kwaphendul'iMpangeni ne Newcastle
Kwaze kwavuma ne COSATU House qobolwayo!
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