Racism, Class, Gender and Poverty in South African Media

PRELIMINARY SUBMISSION TO THE HEARINGS ON RACISM IN THE MEDIA
HOSTED BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION (SAHRC)

SUBMISSION BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY

4 April 2000

1. INTRODUCTION

This is a preliminary submission. As the SACP we are conducting further research into the issues we raise here. We will inter-act with the SAHRC and make further written submissions before the final report on the SAHRC hearings is published.

The South African Communist Party (SACP) is deeply concerned about the issue of racism in South African media and society. As part of the ANC led national liberation movement, the SACP fought racism in South Africa. Racism was the base of apartheid. But th e defeat of apartheid in 1994 did not mean the end of racism in our society.

The SACP thanks the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) for this opportunity. We are making this submission to these hearings for the following reasons: -

• We support the hearings as an important moment in discussing the problem of racism in the media and society as a whole. We oppose the erroneous notion that the SAHRC decision to call for hearings into media racism is an infringement on press freedom.
• We link the problem of racism to three inter-related concepts of class, gender and poverty in South African society. This is the main reason we make this submission. The problem of racism cannot be fully understood outside of the inter-related realities of class exploitation, gender inequalities and poverty in South Africa. We strongly suggest that the SAHRC panel makes this link in considering racism in the media and drafting a report from these hearings.
• We propose several broad and quite specific steps to be taken to address the problem of racism in the media and society.
• We also propose the development of alternative people?s media as part of building true media diversity. The SACP has a proud history of alternative media production in this country. This history includes 40 years of African Communist publication since 19 59, and the publications of various versions of Inkululeko, New Age and Umsebenzi. We make this point about our history in alternative media to say that the understanding of media should not be limited to mainstream commercial media. It actually encompasse s a broad range of forms of media, which our people continue to relate to. It is for this reason that we are here to ensure that the SAHRC final report will take this point into account.

2. RACISM, CLASS, GENDER AND POVERTY IN SOUTH AFRICAN SOCIETY

Simply defined, racism would refer to negative attitudes an individual belonging to one race holds about individuals or groups of people belonging to a different race or even about the race that individual belongs to. These attitudes may lead to negative ? racist? acts. But what is at the core of racism in society?

Racism is a concept linked to class and gender.

By class we refer to the existence of various economic classes in society and the current domination of society by the capitalist classes. As a result of this class system, the majority of the people in our country and the world belong to the working and p oor classes. In our specific case, the majority of the working class is black and African.

Therefore the problem of racism in South Africa is closely linked to the problem of a class-based society. Right from the days of early colonialism to this day, the development of institutionalised racism (apartheid) has been linked to the development of t he South African economy . Therefore the SACP argues that the basis of racial oppression and racism in South Africa is capitalism.

For us as the SACP, racism therefore is not just about ?attitudes? and is not just ?subliminal? or ?subtle? as has been raised to the SAHRC before. Racism is an expression of a whole complex of institutional arrangements, power relations, and access to res ources in society. Racism is a daily reality for the majority of our people and it is a product of the society we live in. Racist attitudes, ideas, actions and movements are developed in a class-based society. The social being of capitalist inequalities la rgely determines racist consciousness.

It is for this reason that we referred to apartheid South Africa as colonialism of a special type. This form of colonialism was characterised y racial domination as a means for the maximum exploitation of the black majority, particularly the working class. Underpinning all this was particularly harsh oppression and subordination of women, in particular African women.

South African media, borne and shaped under these circumstances still largely reflects this colonial order. In short, South African media in itself is a racial oligarchy serving the interests of the rich and powerful. This is reflected not only in racial a ttitudes and stereotypes in the media, but also principally through media ownership structures, management structures and the operation of the newsroom.

Our main submission therefore is that there can be no eradication of racism in the media and society in whatever form that racism expresses itself, unless we radically transform the institutional structures and cultural practices in the media.

By gender we refer to our societal constructs which largely define power relations between men and women in favour of men and thus leading to systematic and entrenched oppression of women. These power relations are expressed through deep gender inequalitie s in the home, culture (which includes the media), social relations, politics and the economy. The majority of our population is made of women (about 52%). The majority of South African women are black and belong to the working class and the poor. The stru cture of the media today reinforces stereotypes about black working class and poor women who only feature as victims and not being empowered to be actors in the transformation of society.

The above simply means that for the majority of our people, the experience of racism in South Africa has to do with class and gender inequalities in our society. Therefore the defeat of racism and the building of non-racism must also be linked to the defea t of a class-based society and the fundamental transformation of gender relations in our society.

In concluding this part we emphasise the point that race, class and gender are also linked to the question of poverty and socio-economic inequalities.

Shortly by poverty we refer to the United Nations? Human Development Report which says: ?poverty means the denial of choices and opportunities for a tolerable life.? Almost 53% of the South African population fall within category of poor and almost 29% in the category ?ultra-poor?. The gap between rich and poor has remained relatively constant over last three decades, despite significant increases in wealth for a small number of blacks. The majority of the population is now deeper in poverty than before. Th e gap between rich and poor is much higher than the gap between blacks and whites in terms of share of total expenditure. The poorest 40% makes up 6% of total expenditure, whereas the richest 20% of the population makes up 69% of total expenditure .

Put differently, all these statistics mean one thing ? deepening racial inequalities made worse by gender oppression. And these experiences and realities of poverty are not part of the central messages conveyed by our media. Unless we address this inter-c onnection between race, class and gender, media might as well de-racialise but only to the benefit of a black male elite. This is what concerns about the dominant approach of racism even in these hearings.

3. SOUTH AFRICAN MEDIA

What is the media?

?The class which has the means of material production at its disposal has control at the same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it.?

In line with this statement, the SACP argues that the dominant ideology in society is the ideology of the dominant class and that the media disseminate the dominant ideology: the values of the class, which owns and controls this media.

Media organisations, despite daily denials, cater to the needs of their owners and major financial supporters, as we will demonstrate below.

Many people in these hearings have simplistically argued that the role of the media is the promotion of the freedom of speech. Whereas the SACP supports the freedom of speech, we also understand the role of the media in reproducing inequalities. In any case, we were the champions of the freedom of speech since our founding. There can be no freedom of speech under the present ownership arrangements. Freedom of speech in these circumstances essentially then means freedom for the white male rich to express its views. A fundamental pre-condition to realise freedom of speech in South Africa is the transformation of these racial and male dominated media oligarchies. Similarly, racism in whatever form can never be eradicated unless the ownership patterns are fundam entally transformed.

In the final analysis, dominant media institutions are locked into the power structure determined by dominant classes in society. This then brings us to what we regard as the crux of tackling racism in South African media specifically, the question of own ership.

Who owns and controls the media?

In the main, South African media is composed of commercial newspapers, commercial radio, commercial TV and since 1994, an increasing array of community newspapers and radio.

The major owners of commercial newspapers are Times Media Limited, Nasionale Pers and the Independent Newspapers Group. Other key players in the media Primedia and Saatchi and Saatchi. Through inter-locking directorships and ownerships, these players are i n turn closely linked with important sections of domestic and international capital, which actually run and control the South African economy. Therefore the points made above about media control and ownership are validated by actual experience. Clearly the n public discussion through the media is controlled by large private companies, which have links with the broader dominant classes in the economy.

But radio and TV are largely in public hands. And since 1994, there have been some changes in patterns of ownership and control of SA media through community media and new black companies buying media institutions. This development is not enough in ensurin g that our people own and control the media and that the issues of racial inequality, class exploitation and patriarchy are properly addressed.

Therefore the strategic location of the public broadcaster is very important in the transformation of South African media. The public broadcaster has a unique role to represent issues and interests of the black working class and the poor and women in parti cular. The public broadcaster needs to consider playing an additional role of being the mirror of the rest of the media when it comes to issues and interests it represents. The public broadcaster should continuously take up these issues as taken by the SAH RC. This is part of its own role. The public broadcaster must be a platform for taking forward this important investigation. The public broadcaster, particularly radio is important means of access by the poor to news and the world as a whole. The question of the commercialisaion of the public broadcaster needs to be approached with absolute care in an environment dominated by racial inequalities, class exploitation, and patriarchy.

Media coverage ? who? what? how? why?

Often we hear that the ?market? determines what news our media covers. The so-called market still embodies and reproduces the same class, race and gender stereotypes we are trying to eradicate. There is a link between the 'market' and the continued reprodu ction of racism and racial inequalities and gender stereotypes. Many atimes, the interests and needs of the ?market? have become the convenient explanation for newspaper bosses to deny or defuse issues of black people, women and the black working class in their publications. This is the heart of the issue. We feel that this point has not been adequately made in these hearings.

We select the coverage of crime, economic news and the African Renaissance to give examples of what we mean above by ?the ownership and control of media influences the headlines?.

Crime is a serious problem, which has affected South African society for a long while. But crime, as an issue affecting society got increased coverage from 1994 with the increased exposure of white and rich South Africa to violent crime. Many township resi dents have experienced violent crime for as long as they have lived. But because they do not have control and own the media, their experiences did not matter to South African media before 1994.

The crux of our argument about the inter-relationship between race, class, gender and poverty is best illustrated in coverage of economic news. A number of examples can be given here. Firstly, the media in general relies almost exclusively on white male co rporate economists for analysing the South African economic situation. Very rarely, are economists expressing the views and interests of the working class given coverage. But also, virtually all the newspapers are stumbling on each other to establish busin ess sections. But not a single section of the media has elevated labour news and reports. It is as if business can exist without labour and this illustrates the crux of the problem which does not only reinforce socio-economic inequalities but also racism i tself.

Another example is how organised workers have been subject to intensified ideological attacks from the media. The most sinister of these attacks has been an attempt to project the gains of organised workers (e.g. worker friendly labour laws) as the princip al cause of unemployment and poverty. These attacks have also demonised organised workers as being responsible for the very same retrenchments they have been victims of. Even more sinister in these attacks have been attempts to project working class strugg les as being directly at the expense of the poor. The SACP understands these attacks as neo-liberal ideological distortions informed and motivated by the class interests of the owners of South African media.

Most of the media have embraced the idea of an African Renaissance. Unfortunately, this is just lip service ? a classic example of this is that coverage of the media in South Africa is almost entirely based on news downloaded from New York and London. Sout h African media has not bothered to actually cultivate journalists who can actually cover Africa. So Africa, in the eyes of South African media, is about how New York, London, Brussels and Berlin see Africa.

4. THE WAY FORWARD ? INCREASING ACCESS OF THE MEDIA TO THE POOR

The SAHRC hearings and the report will not be adequate in dealing with a long historical legacy and practice of structural and entrenched patterns of racism in society and the media. These are real, structural and entrenched patterns of racism linked to cl ass, gender and poverty in society.

In short, the question of racism can never be overcome unless we fully explore the complex processes of ownership patterns in the media; how journalists are deployed in newsrooms; and the dominant ideology in the newsroom as well as the complicity between 'markets' and advertisers. Below are just some of the suggestions on what can be done to continue with this struggle.

• Media diversity ? We argue for the fundamental transformation and restructuring of ownership patterns of existing media. This in fact, may require, if need be a legislative and regulatory framework aimed at curbing these huge racial media oligarchies and ensuring that ordinary people do control and have access to media. Government may actually be required to evolve and implement programmes and strategies to actually support ownership of the media by communities.
• Affirmative Action in the media ? As the SACP we fully support all the measures to ensure Affirmative Action in South African media as a critical component in addressing racism, class inequalities and patriarchy. But a narrow approach of simply appointin g blacks and women into positions without simultaneously transforming the ownership and institutional structures does not constitute Affirmative Action. ? Strengthening the public broadcaster ? in the manner already addressed above.

We would also like to strongly suggest that whatever follow up is made to these hearings by the SAHRC must be done from an integrated approach to address racial inequalities, socio-economic justice and gender equality. Unless the SAHRC does this, there is a danger that we will lose sight of how class inequalities and patriarchy reinforces and is reinforced by racism.

In line with this we would therefore hope that at the conclusion of these hearings, the SAHRC will carefully debate and plan how these issues are taken forward. On our part as the SACP we assure the SAHRC that we will throw our full weight behind this impo rtant initiative towards the eradication of racism properly understood in its relation to class and gender.

Thank you.

BLADE NZIMANDE
GENERAL SECRETARY SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY