Umsebenzi August 2000
Contents
| NEWS Lessons from Zimbabwe SACP 79th Annivesary Asbestos victims' right to claim compensation LETTERS TRIBUTES To Max Madlingozi To I.C. Meer WORKERS NEWS Employer locked up - SACTWU The rich block government aid to flood victims, COSATU Gender Conference Land claimants demand talks with Pres Mbeki W.Cape taxi violence Water companies in England coming to SA 50th Annivesary - Suppression of Communism Act HIV/AIDS March for access to HIV/AIDS drugs HIV/AIDS infection rates in SA Countries DEBATES AND OPINIONS Fewer, worse jobs - latest jobs data Dangers of current path on inflation - COSATU Don't pay twice for apartheid - letter to Pres Mbeki Diamonds - imperialists' best friend |
INTERNATIONAL NEWS International Communist meeting US Senators call for to sanctions AKEL appeals for solidarity against Turkish Elian is back home Iraqi repression of Communists Indian workers against liberalisation plans Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party wins election Last statement of Shaka Sankofa - death penalty Italy says no to the NATO Summit Okinawan people oppose US military bases International solidarity with Fiji Message to G7 Leaders meeting in Okinawa Japan Jubilee 2000 SA outraged at G-7 debt plans AFRICA NEWS Press freedom in Swaziland NIGERIA: Hundreds die in pipeline disaster I-oli ibulala abantu mihla le e-Nigeria POETRY POLITICAL EDUCATION SERIES The role of trade unions SPORT VODACOM's "Social Conscience"? The 2006 Soccer World Cup Bid |
Lessons from Zimbabwe
The Zimbabwean elections have come and gone, but the
fundamental issues facing the Zimbabwean revolution and its people remain. Key
amongst these are the overcoming of the colonial legacy, addressing the national
and gender questions, and economic transformation - at the centre of which is
the land question. Cutting across these issues is the challenge and urgency to
rebuild the liberation movement rooted amongst the mass of the people of
Zimbabwe.
As our neighbour, developments in Zimbabwe have social, economic and
political implications for South Africa, and indeed the Southern African region
as a whole. Our own movement needs to learn appropriate lessons in a situation
where 20 years ago the liberation movement enjoyed the support of more than 80%
of the people, but now only enjoys the support of only slightly over half of
those people.
We need a correct understanding of Zimbabwe
The developments in Zimbabwe are too important to be approached from cliches
and conspiratorial theories, no matter how plausible and comforting these may
be. The entire South African and imperialist media throughout the world
approached the question from the standpoint of demonising Mugabe as a dictator
and defining the primary challenge as that of democracy, understood as a need to
have a strong opposition. Here one sees the uncritical celebration of the MDC as
the saviour of Zimbabwean democracy and its people. In these sections of the
media the land issue did not matter and was simply reduced to an election
gimmick by ZANU-PF and the question of poverty and economic misery facing the
Zimbabwean people hardly featured at all. This approach would not even be
deserving mention were it not for the unfortunate reality of the extent and
dominance of (neo) liberal and racist media in the analysis of the Zimbabwean
situation.
The other approach and analysis of Zimbabwe is that of seeing current
developments as purely an expression of counter-revolution hatched everywhere -
in the Western capitals, the non-governmental media and the offices of the
opposition forces in Zimbabwe. Whilst we should not discount the presence of
counter-revolutionary activity, but it would be completely wrong to approach the
question purely from this standpoint. It is as if we havent witnessed the
painful collapse of Eastern Bloc countries as a result of yes,
imperialist-backed counter-revolution, but also internal weaknesses and serious
errors by the parties in power. Unfortunately this crude position is also
finding echo within the ranks of our own movement, thus completely ignoring
ZANU-PF policies that hurt the working class and the poor over the years, the
bureaucratisation of the party, and consequently the growing distance between it
and the mass of the people.
The current developments in Zimbabwe, particularly the election results, are
an expression of three interrelated realities, viz. the colonial legacy and its
contemporary political expression, the effects of the structural adjustment
programme of the 1990s, and the bureaucratisation of ZANU-PF. The intractable
nature of the colonial legacy, principally expresses through a combination of
the persistence of economic inequalities and the grossly unequal distribution of
land. This legacy continues to express itself politically through sections of
the white Zimbabwean population opposed to redistribution of land and seeking to
roll back whatever modest gains made since independence. This bloc of
essentially counter-revolutionary Rhodesian elements are backed by
imperialism, mainly the UK and elements connected to sections of South
Africas white opposition. The colonial legacy is also expressed in the
arrogant refusal of the UK over the years - the former colonial power - to
honour one of the main agreements in the Lancaster House settlement, payment for
the redistribution of land. Instead all indications showed that the British
government has chosen to support any expression of opposition in Zimbabwe,
including the MDC, to the point of introducing a new condition for release of
funds for land distribution, that ZANU-PF must work with the MDC, whatever that
means.
Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes in Zimbabwe
The second and major factor in the current Zimbabwean situation, which has
been completely ignored in all major commentaries, is that of the effects of the
structural adjustment programme imposed by the World Bank as from 1991, but also
implemented by ZANU PF with very little resistance, until very recently. The
uncritical implementation of the structural adjustment programme was as a result
of the consolidation of the power of a small and aspirant indigenous capitalist
and bureacratic bourgeoisie, which had become dependent on the post-colonial
state, and had hoped to benefit from the privatisation of state assets under
this programme. The effects of the structural adjustment programme under the
hegemony of this class is perhaps the single most important explanation for the
erosion of the power and influence of ZANU-PF amongst the people, and therefore
requires some detailed attention.
The first ten years of Zimbabwean independence (1980-1990) had witnessed some
major advances and improvement in the social conditions of the majority of the
working and poor people. For instance there was massive expansion of social
services, in particular in the spheres of health and education. For example,
according to research done by the Southern African Regional Institute for Policy
Studies (SARIPS) based in Harare, health recurrent expenditure rose from Z$8,19
in 1979/80 to Z$18,17 in 1990/91 in real per capita terms. Real per capita
recurrent expenditure on primary education grew from Z$10,61 to Z$28,70 during
the same period. Primary education during this period was made free and
compulsory, thus becoming accessible to millions of children from poor and rural
families. During this period infant mortality rate declined from 88 to 61 per
1000 births, and immunisation coverage increased from 25% to more than 85% of
the children. Levels of literacy also improved dramatically during this period.
As from 1991, the Zimbabwean government adopted, at the instigation of the
World Bank, a severe five-year structural adjustment programme. This programme
principally entailed a severe cutback on social spending, privatisation of state
enterprises, liberalisation of the economy, a radical reduction of government
deficit from 10 to 5% of the Gross Domestic Product, removal of food and other
subsidies in particular for the poor, reduction of the civil service by 25%
through retrenchments and freezing of posts, devaluation of the Zimbabwean
dollar, and orienting the economy towards exports at the expense of domestic
demand.
Like virtually all neo-liberal economic restructuring in the developing
world, a promise was made that certain benefits will flow from such
restructuring. These promises included the usual ones: an increase in foreign
direct investment by at least 20% of the GDP per year, generate more foreign
exchange, job creation and an economic growth of 5% per year. None of these
materialised, instead the economic and social situation in Zimbabwe declined
rapidly in the 1990s, almost eroding all the gains made during the first 10
years of independence. Even worse was that this programme, like all such
neo-liberal restructuring, was driven bureaucratically without the involvement
of the mass of the people and their organisations, including trade unions, which
are usually treated with suspicion as a nuisance that might block such
necessary restructuring.
After 1990/91 secondary school enrolment started to decline, with a decline
by 7,5% in 1992. Real heath expenditure fell to below the 1983 levels, and
education spending dramatically falling to 32% below its 1990/91 peak, and
malnutrition rates amongst children increased by 13% in 1992 over 1991.
Inflation rose from 23% in 1991 to 46% by December 1998, with the interest rate
nearly 50%. Manufacturing output fell from 129.9 in 1992 to 116.9 in 1996, and
real wages fell by 10% in 1992 over 1991, with more than 17 000 workers in the
manufacturing sector being retrenched between 1991 and 1996. Real wages actually
fell by 33% between 1990 and 1997.
Between 1991 and 1995 the private and public sectors had retrenched 25 510
and 20 000 workers respectively. During the same period about 300 000
school-leavers joined the labour market each year. Even more serious was the
rise of food prices between 1981 and 1999. The net effect was rising poverty, to
the extent that according to the 1998 Zimbabwe Human Development Report, it was
estimated that 61% of Zimbabwean households were poor, and of these 45% were
very poor.
Of course it can be argued that the Zimbabwean budget deficit was too high at
10% and was not sustainable. But to ask of the government to cut it by half
within 5 years - a religious and fundamentalist requirement by the IMF and World
Bank irrespective of the nature and scale of social inequalities - was bound to
lead to serious socio-economic decline. Indeed this situation was also
exercebated by the drought in 1991/2, but the government was in no position to
even modestly respond to this within the tight monetary and fiscal targets it
had set itself.
The most cynical and scandalous dimension of this economic restructuring was
that the IMF and the World Bank were in 1995 trumpeting the Zimbabwean
adjustment programme as a success to be emulated by other countries. In
addition, the Zimbabwean experience shows that neo-liberal economic
restructuring has left the colonial economic legacy intact, in particular the
grossly unequal distribution of land and other economic resources. After this
structural adjustment programme, 5000 mostly white farmers in a population of
about 12 million are still holding 60% of prime arable land, half of which is
not being utilised!
The most important lesson to learn out of this is that much as the imposition
of this programme was principally from the World Bank, but when the destructive
effects began to be felt, these institutions and the imperialist media blamed
the crisis on Mugabe and the government. To them the problem was no longer the
colonial legacy and the structural adjustment programme, but the lack of a
viable opposition in Zimbabwe. Another important lesson out of this is that
neo-liberal economic restructuring does not alter the economic balance in favour
of the working people and the poor, but benefits the same forces who benefitted
under colonialism and a small stratum of indigenous entrants. In spite of such
economic restructuring, the national grievance of the Zimbabwean people - the
land - remains.
It was principally as a result of this growing impoverishment of the
Zimbabwean people that began to alienate the mass of the people from ZANU-PF and
government, and saw the emergence of food riots and strikes by the trade union
movement in the mid-to-late 1990s. It is of course true that counter-revolution
does exploit such grievances by the people, but the creation of these conditions
needs to be looked at not only from externally but also from within the
political behaviour and economic programme of the liberation movement itself.
Shifting class allegiances in ZANU-PF
After its landslide 1980 election victory, Mugabes ZANU quite rapidly
began to change character. The upper echelons formed the political elite in the
post-independence government. The second-layer leadership became officers and
NCOs in the new army. Thousands of rank and file combatants were demobilised and
returned to their remote peasant farms. From there they could hardly influence
the ongoing evolution of post-independence affairs. Urban students and trade
unions had been supportive but largely marginal in the struggle. In the early
years after independence they were organised as tame appendages of the ruling
party.
These developments were unfortunately similar to those that have
characterised many former liberation movements on our continent. After
ascendancy to political power, the class alliances within the liberation
movement shift from the pre-independence alliance between the working class, the
peasantry and progressive sections of the petty bourgeoisie to a new alliance
between these (formerly) progressive elements of the petty bourgeoisie and
sections of local and international capital. This is usually brought about by
the marginalisation of the working class and the peasantry in the
post-independence reconstruction programmes. Without participation of the
masses, the petty bourgeoisie, now in control of state institutions and within
the context of the domination of imperialism, seeks to advance its interests in
accumulation into an alliance with sections of local and international capital.
The end result of these developments has always been the continuation of the
economic structure of the colonial era, albeit under new circumstances, thus
sacrificing the interests of working class, the peasantry and the poor.
The growing bureaucratisation of ZANU-PF, as a result of similar processes,
left it vulnerable to external pressure. In the late 1980s and through the 1990s
Mugabe was unable to resist pressures from the World Bank and the IMF, and was
forced to implement harsh structural adjustment programmes. Growing hardship
amongst the urban masses saw the once tame ZCTU pursuing a more militant in the
1990s. The election results basically shows that ZANU-PF has lost the support of
the organised working class, the urban masses, and the former ZAPU support in
Matebeleland.
Zimbabwes Economic Structural Adjustment Programme(implemented since 1991)
Both these tables were sourced from Social Policy in an Economy under |
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Where to?
However, the electoral performance of the MDC does not in itself mean that it
is inherently a progressive organisation better able to advance the historic
goals of the national liberation movement. It would however be reckless not to
realise that within the ranks of MDC are to be found progressive workers and
former liberation fighters and a mass genuinely disgruntled. But at the same
time the MDC is also backed by conservative forces whose mission is to roll back
the national liberation movement, and might be positioning themselves to
implement the World Bank programme better than ZANU-PF. This is partly
illustrated by the fact that the MDC has no clear programme on the key issues
facing the Zimbabwean revolution.
The challenge of the Zimbabwean people is to rebuild the liberation movement,
root it amongst the mass of the people, and return to a path of pursuing the
original demands of the people - land, economic transformation and the struggle
for socialism. It is this programme that the SACP, and indeed our movement as a
whole, should be supporting and seeking to strengthen.
The SACP celebrates 79 years
(Founded 29 to 31 July 1921)
During the weekend of 29 July 2000, the South African Communist Party
celebrated 79 years of unbroken struggle for national liberation, peoples
power and socialism.
This 79 years represents SACP contributions to the building the ANC, COSATU,
progressive unions and social movements in the struggle against apartheid, and
currently around the transformation of South African society. Through these
struggles we have also rooted the ideas and vision of socialism in our country.
But this 79th anniversary is not only about our history. We celebrate our
79th anniversary against the backdrop of major advances in our society over the
last six years, but also against the backdrop of a jobs crisis, persisting
mass poverty, the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and a society that remains amongst the most
unequal in the world.)
Economic challenges
The SACP argues that much greater emphasis needs to be placed on the
mobilisation and co-ordination of budgetary, parastatal and domestic private
capital for a more concerted infra-structural development approach led by a
strong national democratic state which intervenes in the economy.
Running through all of the SACPs positions on the economy, is a
commitment to strengthen, democratise and extend the public sector to enable the
state to drive a developmental agenda at national, provincial and local levels.
Therefore, the SACP sees no need for downsizing, outsourcing, privatisation and
the reduction of labour standards in the public sector.
-
Restructuring of the financial sector
For some time, the SACP has been warning about the continued monopolisation
and concentration of financial resources and power in South Africa. We are
literally allowing banks and the financial sector in this country to get away
with murder.Many poor people are denied access to credit, through the credit bureau and
policies of South African banks.Therefore, the SACP calls for a public campaign to put pressure for
fundamental transformation of South African financial institutions.
- Local government elections
An overwhelming ANC victory in the 2000 local government elections remains
the most viable option to advance, consolidate and deepen the national
democratic revolution. For the SACP this also means finding ways and means to
lay the basis for building peoples power and the eventual transition to
socialism. We therefore call on all communities, workers and all our people to
register an overwhelming victory for the ANC in the coming local government
elections.
Asbestos victims win right to use British courts to claim compensation
On 20 July, the British House of Lords ruled to allow South African
mineworkers and communities, suffering from asbestosis and related diseases, to
claim compensation in British courts from Cape PLC.
For too long, Cape PLC mined asbestos in South Africa without any regard for
the well-being of their workers, the environment and peoples health. At last,
justified and legitimate struggles by workers and communities, are paying off.
In looking for profits, the company ignored the dangerous effects of asbestos
once inhaled. Many workers worked under unsafe conditions in Cape PLC mines and
there are still heaps of asbestosis dust in the mine settlements and surrounding
areas.
Cape PLC closed its mines and relocated to Britain leaving people to die
slowly. Every weekend at least one victim of asbestosis is buried in the
Northern Province.
The case was supported by the South African government and the provincial
governments of the Northern Cape and the Northern Province. The meeting between
legal representatives of the South African asbestosis victims and major
shareholders of Cape PLC to discuss an out of court settlement had been very
promising Cape PLC, Northern Cape MEC Thabo Makweya said after the ruling.
We can no longer allow transnational companies to exploit workers and
destroy lives and the environment with impunity. Capitalist globalisation cannot
go unchallenged without forcing transnational corporations to account for their
actions and take due regard for peoples lives and the environment., said
an SACP statement in response to the ruling. We also congratulate the SACP in
the Northern Province and the National Union of Mineworkers for their
unflinching support of these workers and communities., concluded the SACP
statement.
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LETTERS |
Dear Editor
I would like to thank you for your informing website it really make us to
understand more on what is happening in the world today. But I would also like
you to re-open the office of the Party in Pietermaritzburg. We would like to be
effective and participate in what is happening. Keep well. Aluta Continua!
Chris Mbude,
University of Natal- Pietermaritzburg
Dear editor
Communism becomes relevant day by day. When I look the suffering endured by
working class and the poor I conclude that we must stop Capitalism now not in
any other day. The South African Communist Party must critically look at
organising the rural poor and lead all initiatives around developing a
comprehensive rural development strategy. People are becoming despondent day by
day.
Another area of intervention is around civil rights education. If we leave
this to any jack and jill...
Viva Socialism viva Socialism !!
Alex Pongolo,
Guguletu
Dear editor
Once again, revolutionary greetings. I would like to draw the attention of
cdes to one of the crucial aspect of the South African economy - that is
fishing. There are emerging school of thoughts around this issue. One school of
thought says that fishing as an economic activity is in a process of decline due
to the fact that it has been over monopolise by big cooperate local and
internationally and as a result there has been overfishing. The second one is
related to the first. It says that we must find ways of maximising fishing if we
want it to be relevant. This implies that we must defect from traditional ways
of processing fish and think of other products out of fish. The third one says
let us forget about fish as an economic activity and take up tourism as an
alternative to fishing. What do you think? Where do we locate fishing sector? Do
we locate it as amongst the most viable economic sectors in the SA economy?
Let us talk about this
Alex Pongolo,
Guguletu
Dear Editor
I adhere to SOCIALISM and I very much think that to some of us is no longer
an ideology, but a RELIGION. I am not a member of the Party, but I belong to the
Black Consciousness Movement of Azania. Moreover, I really could identify within
similarities with the Party and the BCMA.
SOCIALISM CANNOT COME OVERNIGHT;
IT IS THE FUTURE,
LET US START BUILDING IT NOW!
VIVA SOCIALISM VIVA.
Vuyisile, Mafikeng,
North West Province
Dear Editor
I am an Irish Canadian and a long time supporter of the Communist Party of
Canada, the Irish workers party, the Official IRA and, SINN FEIN. Even though I
am only 14, I have read Das Kapital by Karl Marx and found it inspiring. Any way
I am very impressed that so soon after the cruel apartheid regime such a left
wing party has been so well organised. Any way I am a big supporter of
Castros actions to defend Angola in the 1970s. I am curious if your party
takes over in South Africa will it go for peaceful relations with the MPLA and
CUBA.
Anonymous
from Canada
Dear Editor
My comment is this - why dont you provide a full website on Chris Hani so
we can know more about our late leader and comrade and other leaders.
Anonymous
from SACP website
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TRIBUTES |
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Tribute to Max Madlingozi
By Zwelinzima Vavi,
COSATU General Secretary. Comrade Madlingozi passed away in June.
COSATU is very sad to hear of the death of comrade Max Madlingozi.
Comrade Max was a key activist and a great asset to our movement.
He was a trade unionist and had been active in the African National
Congress since the 1970s. As a former organiser of the South African
Allied Workers Union (SAAWU), he was one of the founders of Nehawu. He
was one of the earlier organisers in the union and went on to be elected
Provincial Secretary in the Eastern Cape (1990-1993).
In 1994 he served in the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature and was
appointed Deputy Speaker from 1996-1999. At the time of his death he was
the chairperson of the standing committee of Health.
He is survived by his wife, Eugenia (herself a Nehawu activist) and
four children. Comrade Max will be remembered for his hard work and
dedication to the struggle of the working class and for the emancipation
of the poor and the oppressed. He made a great contribution to the mass
democratic movement and will be sorely missed by all his comrades.
We would like to convey our deepest sympathy to the family, friends and
comrades of comrade Max. We share your sorrow and wish you strength in
these difficult times.
Tribute to I.C. Meer
This tribute was written by Dennis Brutus, and passed as a
resolution by the SA Reparations Conference Planning Committee in May 2000
We are deeply saddened to hear of the death of Comrade I.C. Meer on May
1, 2000. Comrade Meer was a stalwart in the struggle for freedom and
justice in South Africa for many years.
We express our condolences and profound sympathy to his family and
especially to Comrade Professor Fatima Meer, Patron of Jubilee 2000 South
Africa, who only this past week delivered in Johannesburg a powerful
keynote address to the Pre-Conference Workshop of the South African
Reparations Conference Planning Committee. Both Comrade I.C. Meer and
Comrade Fatima Meer have long records as activists, and we mourn the
passing of Comrade I.C. Meer.
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WORKERS |
Employer locked up - an injury to SACTWU sends employers to jail!
By Patrick Shabalala, the Deputy General Secretary of
SACTWU
On 07 June 2000, a clothing employer, Anand Govender of Snap Clothing CC was
arrested and taken to Westville Prison where he will served a 15 day jail-term
for contempt of the Labour Court. His sentence was a result of his refusal to
follow the labour laws of the new South Africa.
Govender is not unique. He is merely the first. There are a number of other
employers in the clothing industry who seek to evade their obligation to pay
Bargaining Council levies (as in the present case), wage rates and to extend to
their workers the basic rights and protections of the Labour Relations Act of
1995, Basic Conditions of Employment Act of 1997 and Employment Equity Act of
1998.
Some employers even deny that their workers are employees but describe
them as independent contractors. One particular employers organisation,
COFESA, has been involved in this; preying on the ignorance of some employers
and the greed and opportunism of others.
There is also a political aspect to this strategy of evading the jurisdiction
of the Labour Relations Act because, in this way, employers can try to get rid
of trade unions. They are then free to run nothing more than sweatshops in which
workers are vulnerable to instant dismissal, unsafe working conditions and near
slave wages.
COFESA has the audacity to dress up these kinds of arrangements as free
enterprise. SACTWU is processing applications through the CCMA which cover
thousands of workers who have been dismissed by COFESA factories. We will ensure
compliance with every single court order in our favour, even if it means
proceeding against the factory owner in his individual capacity.
As the arrest of Govender must show, the strategy of evasion will get
employers no where. The Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers Union
takes no particular joy in the arrest and committal to jail of an employer in
the clothing industry today.
We are glad to have the support in our campaign from legitimate employers
organisations. Responsible employers in the industry have agreed to minimum
standards.
SACTWU again calls upon all employers to return to the Bargaining Council and
to register their workers. 33 new cases against employers have been processed
and the net is tightening. We also appeal to consumers only to do business with
companies who observe our labour laws. We will be circulating a list of
companies who have COFESA links to members of the public shortly. We appeal to
all those employers who have left the Bargaining Council to rectify matters
before it is too late. Eventually you will be caught.
An Injury to SACTWU May Send You To Jail.
Communists working hard in the Northern Cape
By Solly Mapaila, the SACP National Organiser
After long struggles, the Northern Cape SACP Province is going for its first
Provincial Congress on 19-20 August 2000, its first provincial congress since
the SACP was un-banned in 1990.
As part of preparations, the province is implementing a wide ranging
programme, which includes building branches and districts and meetings with
unions.
Kimberley District
Two more branches were launched since the process was started with a revival
of the Harry Gwala branch. The Moses Kotane branch held its Annual General
Meeting on 22 July 2000. The Kimberley District Congress will be held on 5-6
August 2000. The work in this district is led by Comrade Godfrey Oliphant, a
Central Committee member and ANC MP.
Kuruman district
The district has an interim committee, which involves comrades from the
mining units and branches. They have three strong and active branches. Barkley
West, Sishen, Postmansburg and Danielschuil branches held their AGMs on the
weekend of 22 July 2000. Following this, the district congress will be held on
the first weekend of August 2000.
Upington/Namaqualand district
This remains the weakest district in the province. It has two launched
branches - Namaqualand and Springbok - and one functional unit in Upington.
Comrades Oliphant and Maruping Lekwene will now be deployed in this district.
There is great potential to revive several collapsed branches in the area. The
problems are finances, the vastness of the district and the long distance from
Kimberley, which is the base of the provincial office and resources.
De Aar district
The district has three active branches - De Aar, Hanover and Victoria West -
and two active units in Colesberg and Prieska. The units will use the 79th SACP
anniversary weekend (29 July) to launch into branches.
The Northern Cape is ripe for strong SACP presence
Despite massive difficulties, the province is ready for the SACP and the
provincial congress. After the Congress, the challenge will be to sustain SACP
structures through worker recruitment, political education, campaigns and
working with unions. The work done in the past few months is a solid basis for
the long term strengthening of the SACP in the Northern Cape.
The rich in Kyalami block government aid to flood victims,
writes Lenin of the SACP Alexandra branch
When national government tried to help flood victims from the Alexandra
township, white middle class residents in Kyalami took court action to stop
this. They ignored all other considerations but not their selfish interests.
On 7 July 2000 the Pretoria High Court gave an interdict against government
plans to settle 200 families that were displaced by floods in February on
government land.
The 200 affected families lived in Alexandra. The floods destroyed their
houses and they got temporary accommodation from the Rhema Church in Randburg.
In the meantime government identified a piece of land within the Leeuwkop Prison
near Sandton for temporary accommodation. According to governments plan, the
families would also continue to receive electricity, water and sanitation, until
permanent houses have been built.
Sadly, after 100 of the shelters were completed and ready for occupation by
the displaced families, the residents of Kyalami went to court against this.
They argued that the temporary shelters would result in air pollution, water
pollution, adverse impact on property values, stress on normal family life and
carries the risk of crime. In other words, the Kyalami residents were saying
the poor have no right to a decent and tolerable life! To them, poor black
people mean these things that bring dirt and smell. The white middle class
of Kyalami spends money and time decorating their gardens whilst they pay
nothing to their domestic workers, most of whom actually live in Alexandra. They
do not care for human beings that will be suffering from cold this winter.
Even worse, and despite the constitution, a conservative judge in the
Pretoria Court saw it fit not to dismiss the action by the Kyalami residents.
This points to the need to change our court system in favour of the working
class. These capitalist courts only serve the rich. The poor get punished in
these courts every day, was how many members of the SACP Alexandria branch
reacted to this news.
Clearly, this cannot be allowed to continue. Otherwise we will have a only
the rich and powerful will decide how the rest of us live. We need strong
government action against this, said Thembinkosi Lehloesa, who worked in the
Command Centre which assisted the flood victims.
The SACP in Alexandra will work with community organisations to support the
affected families.
COSATU Gender Conference
The COSATU 4th National Gender Conference met from 05 to 07
July 2000. Nobantu Mayekiso, the NEHAWU Gender Coordinator reports.
The conference discussed issues which we hinder the development of women, who
experience oppression on the political, social and economic fronts.
On HIV/AIDS, the congress discussed the impact of HIV/AIDS on Africa as a
whole, and on sustainable development.
On job losses and casualisation, the conference called for the revision of
macro- economic policy. The resolution calls for the extension of social to
reduce womens unpaid labour and reduce household poverty. A rigid adherence
to budget deficit targets cannot be justified in the face of extreme poverty
endured by black women.
Conference also discussed strategies to organise vulnerable and casual
workers, who are predominantly women.
On gender policy, the Conference discussed a Gender Policy and recommended
its adoption by the COSATU National Congress in September. The policy aims to
increase the participation of women in leadership and in all union activities
and to develop gender awareness and promotion of gender equality amongst all
union members.
On building a National Womens Movement, the Conference highlighted the
need to promote activism and unity amongst working class and poor women, and
other progressive forces.
The challenge will be how COSATU, its affiliates, women and men in COSATU
implement and take forward the work of the Conference.
SACP Calls For Banks To Play A Developmental Role In Society
The SACP welcomed the decision by Finance Minister Trevor
Manuel to refuse the merger between the Stanbic and Nedcor banks. In the
immediate period, this merger would have led to at least 10 000 job losses, as
estimated by SASBO (the banking union).
For some time, the SACP has been warning about the continued monopolisation
and concentration of financial resources and power in South Africa. This deepens
socio-economic inequalities and undermines the fundamental transformation of our
economy.
The Ministers decision is an opportunity for Stanbic, Nedcor and all other
banks to consider their priorities in line with the countrys developmental
objectives (job retention, job creation and housing being the main areas).
Currently, South African bank s are driven and controlled by interests and logic
of private capital. Evidence presented to the parliamentary hearings on the role
of banks confirms the following:
- Many poor people are denied access to credit, and thereby an opportunity
at a better life, by South African banks - South African banks generally provide little or no finance for low cost
housing, SMMEs and job creation. Instead South African banks finance luxury
consumption expenditure by the rich and not the basic needs of our people.
It was in this context that the recent SACP Strategy Conference called for a
public campaign for the fundamental transformation of South African financial
institutions and the long-term establishment of a new public sector driven
banking system aimed at ad dressing the needs and interests of the poor. To this
end, the SACP will work with unions, social movements and government.
Land claimants demand talks with President Mbeki
From SAPA
Pretoria - During May, a group of disgruntled land claimants from Northern
Province, the southern Cape and Karoo demanded a meeting with President Thabo
Mbeki to discuss their grievances.
Nationally, very few communities have gained access to land through
restitution, the Northern Province Land Rights Coalition and the South Cape
and Karoo Land Claims Forum said in a memorandum delivered to the presidents
office in the Union Buildings in Pretoria.
Only two land claims have been settled in the Northern Province despite
thousands having been lodged. The Department of Land Affairs statistics
hid the fact that most of the claims settled were for urban areas and were done
by cash compensation, the organisations said. There is still confusion
regarding redistribution projects and no direction on tenure reform in communal
areas. Even long-term farm dwellers continue to face evictions and insecurity as
a low class of tenants on another persons land.
For the rural poor, land rights were the key to secure homes, jobs, food and
a meaningful social and cultural life, the memorandum said. There can be no
full enjoyment of human rights without land rights.
The organisations said they had raised their concerns with the Department of
Land Affairs and the Commission for the Restitution of Land Rights, with no
positive results.
These included a transformation of the current inequitable pattern of land
ownership, and giving the rural poor secure homes, opportunities for production
and lives of dignity. There must be speedy delivery in land restitution that
restores land to the rightful owners.
The Land Claims Commission must improve communication by responding to
claimants requests for information and keeping them informed abut the status
of their claims.
The government must provide an adequate budget to ensure restoration of
land and use this budget to benefit land claimants, not to enrich the current
owners.
The government must meet its constitutional obligations to give people in
communal areas and on farms a right to secure tenure or land ownership on the
land they occupied, the memorandum said. State land must be released
immediately for the use of the rural poor. The Department of Agriculture should
stop leasing land to better-off white farmers.
The organisations also demanded that landowners be forced to allow burials of
long-term residents on farms.
To keep jobs workers must improve skills
From SAPA
Durban South Africa cannot stand apart from the international trend of
globalisation, despite the fact that this process is leading to increased job
losses in the country.
Labour Department director-general Rams Ramashia said South African workers
should instead look at how they could improve their skills to remain employable.
He was addressing about 300 delegates at the 13th Annual Labour Law
Conference at the International Convention Centre here held from 19 to 21 July
2000.
The two-day conference looked at several issues pertaining to the labour
field in South Africa, including labour laws and Aids in the workplace.
Ramashia told the delegates workers worldwide were becoming more diversified
and this was bad news for low-skilled workers in developing countries.
He added that, while the government had an urgent challenge to create
employment, workers had to ensure they stayed employed.
Western Cape taxi violence - a threat to public
transport
By Gwebs Qonde, SACP Western Cape Provincial Secretary
Stop the ongoing attacks on bus commuters and Golden Arrow bus drivers!
Enough is enough! No more deaths! This is how most commuters feel in Khayelitsha.
The decision of Golden Arrows workers to stop driving into Khayelitsha until
they are assured of safety and protection was correct. Every worker must have
the right to work in a safe environment. And in the case of public transport, it
is the responsibility of the various tiers of government, together with the
employers, to ensure that a safe environment exists. The application of
regulations and law enforcement are the vehicles for ensuring such safety.
Safe transport is also the right of every passenger. They too have become the
victims of a situation caused by poor transport planning and regulation. SATAWU
called on the national government and on the Western Cape provincial government
to take urgent steps to stop the attacks on Golden Arrow bus drivers. We are
not interested in hearing any more lame-duck blaming between tiers of
government. the SATAWU press statement said. The provincial MEC for
transport in particular must either take a lead or be fired and replaced by
someone who is prepared to take control of the situation. continued the
SATAWU press statement.
Several stakeholders called on the Ministers of Transport, Safety and
Security and the Police Commissioner to do the following: -
- To close the ranks of the taxi operators in the affected areas until
normality is achieved. - To withdraw permits of those found to be associated with violence and
those who are operating illegally. - To ensure that law enforcement is effectively stepped up until the
situation returns to normal, including the deployment of sufficient military
and police forces. - To step up investigations into the three murders and other related crimes
with a view to arresting and convicting those responsible. - To urgently facilitate further negotiations with a view to provide
meaningful long- term solutions.
But not enough action has been taken on the above. It is for these reasons
that the COSATU Western Cape suggestion of a 24-hour strike in support of the
Golden Arrow workers and victimised commuters is correct. COSATU has welcomed
the proposal to appoint an independent mediator to settle the dispute involving
taxi operators and the Golden Arrow bus company in Khayelitsha, Cape Town.
COSATUs Western Cape Regional Secretary, Evan Abrahamse, says the federation
will back any move to start negotiations, which should be as inclusive as
possible, and will support any measures resulting from these talks which lead to
a lasting peace.
Also media reporting of this situation has made as if there is a conflict
between two parties. Bus workers have never attacked taxi owners or drivers.
Westelike Kaap violence
How op met die aangaan van aanvalle op voetvangers en Golden Arrow bus
bestuurder genoeg is genoeg! Nie meer dode! Dit is hoe die meeste van die
voetvangers voel in Khayelitsha.
Die keuse van Golden Arrows se werekers is om nie meer in Khayelitsha te ry
nie tot hulle die veiligheid en beskerming verseker is, is wat alles oor gaan.
Veilige vervoer is ook die reg van elke passasier. Hulle het ook die
dagoffers bekom van n situasie veroorsaak deur slegte vervoer beplanning en
regulasies. SATAWU beroep die nasionale regering end die Wes Kaap se Provinsiale
regering om drungende stappe te neem om die geveld die Golden Arrow bus
bestuurders tot stil stand te bring. Ons is nie meer geintereseerd om te
luister na die verskommings en blamerlings van die regering. SATAWU se die
provinsiale MEC vir vervoer moet of n groot stap vorentoe neem of moet bedank
en vervang word deur iemand wie bereik is om beheer oor die omstandig hede te
neem.
Die media berigte wat voorgee dat daar konflik is tussen bus bestuurders en
taxi eianaars is okkk misleidend. Bus bestuurders het nooit taxi eienaars of
bestuurders aangeval nie.
The leakiest water companies in England coming to South Africa
By David Hall, the Director of the Research Unit of the
Public Services International (an international federation of public service
trade unions, to which SAMWU, NEHAWU, POPCRU and SADTU are affiliated). The
research unit is based at the University of Greenwich in London.
Only two water companies in England missed their leakage targets in 1998-99:
Bournemouth and West Hampshire Water; and South East Water. Why is this of any
interest to South Africans? Because the two water privatisation deals pushed
through so far in South Africa involve Biwater - at Nelspruit - and SAUR - at
Dolphin Coast. And Biwaters water subsidiary in the UK is Bournemouth and
West Hampshire Water, while SAUR owns South East Water.
The following is extracted from the latest annual report of the UK water
regulator OFWAT drafted by the Director General of Water Services, Ian Byatt.
In 1997 the Director General announced his intention to set annual leakage
targets for all companies, with the first set of targets set that year for
1998-99. All but two companies, Bournemouth & West Hampshire Water and South
East Water, met or beat these targets and the industry has reduced leakage by
11% since 1997.
Bournemouth and West Hampshire Water missed its target. Its failure to meet
the target was mainly due to problems with its input meters, which meant that it
had been under-recording the quantity of water put into supply.
As a result the company is now required to report on a quarterly basis to
ensure that its 1999-2000 target is met.
The situation in South East Water has arisen after OFWAT identified
significant errors in the companys data. As a result, it appears that it has
also failed to meet its leakage target, but the company has so far been unable
to provide OFWAT with a sufficiently robust water balance for either 1997-98 or
1998-99. OFWAT has launched an investigation into the companys failure to
adequately monitor its supply and demand for water. The company will also be
required to report on a quarterly basis.
SA Parliament marks the 50th anniversary of the Suppression Of Communism Act
On 20 June, the South African parliament passed an important motion marking
the 50th anniversary of the passing of the Suppression of Communism Act by the
apartheid parliament. This Act was not only used to persecute communists, it was
also used against all those who fought apartheid. This led to many communists
and non-communists alike facing increased repression and risks to their lives
and well being.
Amongst these was Comrade Braam Fischer, an Afrikaner who was especially
hated by apartheid for being a communist and a fighter for justice. Up to this
day, apartheid has ensured that we still have not found his ashes for burying
with his family.
Forty years after banning us, the apartheid regime was forced to concede that
it could never uproot communist organisation and ideas from the soil of South
Africa. The motion passed by the South African parliament today emphasises that
- never again should South Africa tolerate the persecution of individuals for
their ideological beliefs.
Ironically, exactly 50 years since we were banned, the SACP is growing
stronger and part of the democratic government, whilst the National Party (which
led the apartheid government which banned us) is the one that is actually dying.
As the SACP, we are proud of our record and contribution in the struggle
against apartheid and current struggles for the transformation of society. The
red flag continues to fly even higher and socialism remains a popular and just
cause.
Suppressie van Kommunisme
Op 20 Junie het die Suid Afrikaanse Parlement n belangrike mosie om die
50ste herdenking van die apartheidse regering geslaag. Die wet was destyds nie
net gebruik om kommuniste uit te rooi en maar was ook gebruik as wapen teen
aldiegehene wie teen apartheid geveg het. Die gevolge daarvan teen baie
kommuniste sowel as nie - kommuniste as ook n geveelde risiko teen oor die
levens en geestelikke gesondheid van die regter vir vryheid en reg.
Onder hierdie diegene was Comrade Braam Fischer, n Afrikaner wie veral
deur die apartheidse regering gehaat was weens sy kommunistiese beginsells en sy
standpunt teenoor apartheid (deur dat hy n verweglo vir vryheid en reg was).
Tot vandag het die apartheidse regering verseker dat ons nog nie sy as vir
begrawing met sy familie, gevind het nie.
Veertig jaar het nodat die apartheidse regering ons verban het was die regime
verplig om te erken dat dit nooit kommunistiese organisasie en ideologie kan
uitrooi van die baard van Suid Afrika. Die mosie wat aanvaar en geslaag was deur
die Suid Afrikaanse parlement vandag beindruk en beklemtoon dat nooit en nooit
ooit moet Suid Afrika die persecution van individue vir hulle eie
ideologiese sienings sienings toelaat nie.
Die ironie van die saakk is dat, presies 50 jaer nadat ons verban was is die
SACP besig om sterker te groei as deel van n demokratiese regering, tewlyd
die Nasionale Party (wat verantwoordelik was vir die apartheidse regering se
verbanning va ons) eintlik die party is wat beorg is om te sterf.
As die SACP, is ons trots van onse rekord en deelneeming in die stryd teen
apartheid en die hidige stryd vir die transformasie van onse gemeenskap. Die
rooi vlag vlie nog hoer en sal voortgaan om sosialism n gewilde en regte
heuse te maak.
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COMING EVENTSNational Womens Day Celebrations - 09 August |
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Books launched at the Workers Library and MuseumDuring July 2000, the Workers Bookshop (a project by the Workers The books launched were: -
The Workers Bookshop is situated at the corner of Jeppe and The book launch was sponsored by Phambili Agencies, Merlin Press, the |
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HIV/AIDS |
Thousands march for access to HIV/AIDS drugs
By Promise Mthembu, KwaZulu Natal Coordinator of the
Treatment Action Campaign (TAC)
In May 1998 Gugu Dlamini was stoned to death in Durban for revealing that she
was HIV positive. On 09 July 5000 people, many wearing HIV Positive
T-shirts gathered at the Durban city hall to demand equitable access to HIV/AIDS
treatment. The march castigated the drug companies for making huge profits from
the AIDS crisis.
The march was organised by the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) - a rapidly
growing organisation which strong support in the trade union movement. It was
lead by, amongst others, Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane and ANC Women´s
League President Winnie Mandela. The streets of Durban were full of singing,
dancing, laughter, warm solidarity and hope. Gugu Dlamini had been vindicated
and the demand for access to HIV/AIDS treatment had been turned into the single
biggest issue confronting the 13th International AIDS Conference.
The Executive Director of UNAIDS, Peter Pilot concluded that: This
conference has made it irreversible - prevention and care are combined.
But only 20 000 of the millions of Africans living with AIDS are receiving
treatment. The rest will probably be dead within two to three years.
But South Africans are still drinking bleach in a desperate attempt to self
medicate and wandering from hospital to hospital in a fruitless search from help
from the state. Nevirapine, which costs R24 a dose, could prevent 5000 babies a
month from being infected with HIV but there is no treatment for the 1 in 4
15-24 year old South African women who are HIV positive.
In response to the pressure a group of 5 drug companies offered to cut
prices by 85% but the MSF likened the gesture to an elephant giving birth to
a mouse. MSF believes that the answer does not lie with donations or price
cuts from drug companies but rather with the Brazilian approach of quality
generics. Countries which can't afford high prices can either manufacture their
own generics or import them from producing countries. This could result in the
cost of a year's anti-retroviral treatment being cut from the $2 250 which it
would cost with the 85% discount to a mere $200 a year. This is not a pipe
dream. The polio vaccine is sold for several dollars in the US and just a few
cents in the developing world.
If the Minister of Health does not provide Nevirapine to pregnant women the
TAC will consider a using the law demanding the constitutional right to
treatment. TAC has also served notice that it will take legal action against
Pfizer to seek a compulsory license to allow South African companies to produce
cheaper copies of fluconazole.
'AIDS drugs for pregnant women´,
Nelson Mandela
By Smiso Nkwanyana, SACP KwaZulu Natal Provincial
Secretary. Comrade Smiso Nkwanyana represented the SACP in the International
Conference on Access to HIV/AIDS Drugs in the Developing World, which was held
in the Durban City Hall.
Former President Nelson Mandela called for a stepped-up government fight
against mother-to-child transmission of the AIDS virus.
"We need bold initiatives to prevent new infections among young people,
and large-scale actions to prevent mother-to-child transmission", Mandela
told thousands of cheering delegates at the closing of the 13th International
AIDS Conference, which was held in Durban.
South Africa does not yet provide medication to reduce the chance of
mother-to-child transmission of HIV/AIDS.
Comrade Mandela called for unity in action against HIV/AIDS. He said everyone
should concentrate on fighting the disease that already infects 24 million
Africans and is predicted to claim the lives of millions more in the coming
years.
"In the face of the grave threat posed by HIV/AIDS, we have to rise
above our differences and combine our efforts to save our people. History will
judge us harshly if we fail to do so now, and right now," he said.
The delegates gave Mandela's speech a standing ovation. Conference chairman
Hoosen Coovadia called it "music to our ears".
Comrade Mandela called on the South African government to treat the
opportunistic infections that prey on AIDS sufferers, care for affected children
and work to dispel the paralyzing stigma that surrounds AIDS.
"Stigma and discrimination can be stopped, new infections can be
prevented and the capacity of families and communities to care for people living
with HIV and AIDS can be enhanced. The challenge is to move from rhetoric to
action, and action on an unprecedented scale.", concluded Comrade Mandela.
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Adult HIV/AIDS infection rates in Southern African |
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| Botswana - | 35.80% |
| Swaziland - | 25.25% |
| Zimbabwe - | 25.06% |
| Lesotho - | 23.57% |
| Zambia - | 19.95% |
| South Africa - | 19.94% |
| Namibia - | 19.54% |
| Malawi - | 15.96% |
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From the UNAIDS report released in June 2000 |
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Contents
