The DA/IFP Alliance: An elite pact of an apartheid type

By Blade Nzimande, General Secretary

The Alliance between the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Inkatha Freedom
Party (IFP) gives us a deeper insight into the extent to which sections of
those who benefited from apartheid and its Bantustan system are contradictorily
located in the new democratic dispensation. These two parties represent not
only the interests of beneficiaries of apartheid and are reluctantly part of
the new democratic order. They seek to retain as much of the elements of the
old order, without being seen to be rejecting our new democracy. In essence
the alliance is an attempt to create enclaves of old apartheid class alliances,
power and privileges within a new democratic dispensation.

In essence the alliance between the DA and the IFP is an alliance between
the elite of the IFP and a DA, which increasingly represents the most backward
(racist and class) elements fostered and created by the apartheid order. It
is an alliance that has less to do with the interests of the overwhelming majority
of the black majority, but more to do a marriage between an IFP elite and sections
of a white petty bourgeoisie (in the DA) that is scared of losing its class
privileges accumulated under apartheid. It would however be wrong to simply
project this coincidence of class interests as seeking to return to an old
apartheid order. These parties know it is not possible now and in the foreseeable
future to turn the clock back, and therefore they are seeking to create spaces
for maintenance of apartheid type power relations and privileges within a new
democratic dispensation.

The slave-like conditions of farm workers and the collusion between the DA
and the IFP

During the SACP’s 2003 Red October campaign to mobilise the working class
and our people as a whole to defend the more vulnerable workers (farm and domestic
workers), some of our experiences in this regard made it even more clearer
what the nature of the DA/IFP alliance is. Let us restate this experience to
illustrate what we mean. In Bergville (in the heart of the KwaZulu-Natal Midlands)
the SACP had organized a march to one of the most racist and reactionary white
farmers. Our grievance was that this white farmer prevented an elderly black
woman to be fetched by the local ambulance, or by his son (who has a car) to
be taken to hospital for cancer treatment. He prevented all cars entering his
farm, and instead insisted that a wheelbarrow take her to the gate of the farm
(a few kilometers from her mud house owned by the white farmer), from where
she could be picked up by either the local ambulance or his son’s car.

During our march the IFP-controlled local municipality refused to give the
SACP marchers permission to march through the centre of the town to the white
farmer’s house, as this would have conscientised and possibly led to the farm
workers and the mass of the people of Bergville joining the march. The local
white farmers’ association in turn decided that, on that Saturday of the march,
all farm workers should work from 5.00 am to 17h00 in order to prevent them
from joining our march, which was given permission by the local police and
the municipality to start at 11h00 and finish by 14h00.

The aim of the march was in the first instance to protest against this (racist
and sexist) farmer’s actions against this poor black woman. In addition we
also wanted to educate farm workers about their rights in terms of the newly
promulgated sectoral (government) determination on their basic conditions of
employment and the new minimum wage, and the necessity of farm workers to join
trade unions. With regards to the latter it is estimated by COSATU’s farm workers’
union and affiliate (SAAPAWU) that about one million farm workers are not organized
into trade unions, thus threatening to undermine and erode whatever legislative
gains have been made under the ANC government. Given that thousands of farmworkers
also belong to the IFP, one would have expected the IFP council to be sympathetic,
no matter how grudgingly, to our action.

This collusion between the IFP controlled municipality and the DA aligned
white farmers was a classic illustration and eye opener to the real class basis
of the DA/IFP Alliance. The reality in Bergville and in most white-owned agricultural
areas is that the majority of the still oppressed and super-exploited black
farm workers belong not only to the ANC but to the IFP as well. That an IFP
controlled municipality could seek, in collusion with DA aligned white farmers,
to undermine the SACP’s march and demonstration, was a classic illustration,
and an instance reflecting, the extent to which this Alliance is an elite pact,
at the direct expense of the very members of the IFP, who are farm workers
and super exploited by the very same white farmers.

Though the above incident might appear to have been an isolated incident,
it in fact captures the elitist nature of the relationship between the DA and
the IFP. In the past this relationship expressed itself in the collusion between
the IFP elite and the National Party apartheid regime and its security apparatuses,
and, in the current period, through the DA/IFP alliance.

The class origins and agenda of the IFP

The IFP, after its inception at the instigation of the ANC in 1975, quickly
became a political vehicle for an alliance between traditional leaders, warlords
closely connected to apartheid security forces, the trading petty bourgeoisie,
a small highly educated “modernist” petty bourgeoisie and the bureaucratic
petty bourgeoisie at the helm of the then KwaZulu Bantustan.

The class composition of this elite still manifests itself in the current
period. The dominant and most influential component of this IFP elite is the
traditional leaders and the warlords. The warlords have been progressively
displaced since the end of the politically inspired and apartheid sponsored
violence in KZN since 1994. But the core of the IFP elite had always been the
traditional leaders who, under the apartheid Bantustan dispensation, benefited
immensely from the structures of the KwaZulu Bantustan. The IFP warlords have
now sought to deepen and strengthen their relationship with the traditional
leaders who still control vast areas of land in KwaZulu Natal. This is the
main survival area for the IFP, hence its fight for the constitutional recognition
and rights of traditional leaders to have control over land.

Another layer of the IFP elite is a “modernizing” elite, which has accepted
the reality of democracy and have sought to transform the IFP into a modern
electoral party. But this “modernist elite” has had minimal power and influence
in the IFP, except when it came to occupying positions of power in the national
Cabinet and provincial government executive, as it possesses the knowledge
to function better in these spheres. However, this layer has no distinct social
base within the IFP, as it is principally traditional leadership that brings
the rural vote for the party.

Given the warlord and traditional leadership base of the IFP, this “modernist”
faction has felt frustrated and marginalized. The IFP still remains a party
based on (and imprisoned by) the power of traditional leaders, backed by the
warlords, using the ideology of Zulu identity and tribalism. Yet for this power
to be translated into IFP rule over KwaZulu Natal in a democratic South Africa,
it must be protected by all means, hence the IFP’s huge energies it has put
into the protection of the role and original powers of the traditional leaders.
However there is an objective limit to which the IFP can appeal to traditional
leaders, Zulu identity and tribalism, without addressing the real (class based)
poverty suffered by the overwhelming majority of its rural constituency.

Given the very real possibility of the IFP losing the next election in KZN
despite all its control over most of KZN traditional leaders and its Zulu tribalist
ideology, it needs allies, who are equally threatened by a modernizing democratic
state, hence the alliance with the DA.

The DA is the class and racial representative of the most backward (apartheid)
white layers of South African society

The DA tries hard to ideologically project itself as the foremost spokesperson
for the white bourgeoisie and its neo-liberal ideology in South Africa. However
in its core it is not this. It essentially represents the most reactionary
sections of the white petty bourgeoisie (including some civil servants, white
traders, sections of small white bourgeoisie) which is most threatened by black
majority rule and the transformation process in South Africa. Since the dawn
of democracy the big white bourgeoisie in South Africa has essentially become
a global player, less dependent on the type of politics pushed by the DA. Instead
it has sought to engage the ANC government in its attempts to create the necessary
conditions for its domestic and global goals. The ideology and petty concerns
of the DA are, for the big bourgeoisie, not that different from those that
led to its constraints under apartheid. Whilst sections of this big bourgeoisie
would support the DA only in so far as to constrain the “undiluted” majority
political power of the ANC, it does not directly see the DA as its political
representative.

The DA has essentially replaced the old National Party and some of the smaller
white right wing parties, hence its opposition to affirmative action, black
economic empowerment and transformation in general. For the DA to have any
meaningful voice in society, and to try and hide its naked racial and class
interests, it needs to project itself as increasingly representing black interests
as well. It is for this reason that it has drawn into its ranks a minority
of disgruntled black leaders, and sought to enter into an alliance with an
organization like the IFP.

The contradictory character of the DA/IFP Alliance

Whilst the IFP elite has entered into an alliance with the DA, the interests
of ordinary IFP members are directly threatened by, and are a threat to, the
(class) interests of the DA’s constituency. The class interests and aspirations
of black farm workers in Bergville stand in direct contrast to the interests
of the white small to medium (white) farm owners. Much as the DA needs to create
a base within the black community, the ANC government’s transformatory measures
are in direct contradiction to the DA’s core constituency. Yet these very measures
are in the deepest interests of the IFP’s mass base. It was because of this
contradictory reality that the IFP sought to prevent the President from visiting
IFP strongholds recently as he would raise and give an account of what the
ANC government has done to advance the very interests of the IFP’s constituency.

The tasks of the national liberation movement

It is clear from the above that the DA/IFP alliance is an alliance of (objectively)
contradictory interests, in so far as the interests of the majority of the
members of the IFP and the immediate and longer term (class) interests of the
core of the DA’s constituency. It is an elite pact born out of fear of a loss
of power because of democracy and transformation. That is why by its very nature
this alliance primarily expresses itself as an anti-ANC alliance.

It is therefore important that the liberation movement exposes this contradiction
consistently. It is also important for the liberation movement to seek to reach
out to the IFP mass constituency to highlight the fact that it is only ANC
policies and programmes that are best able to advance their interests. The
basis and the foundation for undertaking this task is that of the mobilization
of the working class, in both the urban and the rural areas, and to reach out
to the rural poor. This must be done continously and on a sustained basis.

The immediate terrain on which this battle must be fought is in KZN. Given
these above realities and approach, it is indeed possible for the ANC to win
an outright majority in KZN, in order to defeat this elite class alliance of
a special type.

VOTE ANC… WITH AND FOR THE WORKERS AND THE POOR!

Equity Aviation is Iniquitous!

Jane Barrett, policy research officer of SATAWU (SA Transport and Allied Workers’
Union)

Workers world-wide have been arguing for years that privatisation invariably
leads to cuts in wages and working conditions, and that multinationals in their
quest for profits compound the problem.

Well in South Africa right now we need look no further than the dispute in
Equity Aviation to find evidence of this fact.

Equity Aviation was born when Transnet, on the directive of government, sold
a 51% stake in the company Apron Services. The buyer was a Joint Venture between
British multinational service specialist Serco and a consortium of six BEE
companies combined to form Equity Alliance. Transnet continues to hold a 49%
share of the company. The deal was completed in April 2003, coinciding with
the time when annual wage increases fell due in the company. The transfer contract
between Transnet and Equity Aviation specified that “unless otherwise agreed
with the representative union”, wages and working conditions would not be varied
downward by the new majority owners for at least 18 months. This is in line
with Section 197 of the Labour Relations Act. The company employs 1500 workers,
500 of whom are contracted via Labour Brokers.

The ink was hardly dry on the transfer agreement when Equity Aviation management
tabled a set of demands to Satawu for some major changes in working conditions.
Satawu represents the majority of the company’s workforce. While the labour
broker (casual) workers are members of the union, they are currently not on
strike as they are not formally employed by Equity Aviation and their conditions
are unaffected by the dispute. The union is the largest transport union in
South Africa, having 100,000 members in the transport, cleaning and security
industries. Satawu is an affiliate of Cosatu.

Management’s opening wage offer was 0,5% combined with a performance bonus
of up to 3%. The wage offer was conditional on a range downward changes in
conditions including an increase in hours of work from the hard fought for
40 hour week to a 45 hour week, with no compensation; those whose shifts do
not add up to 192 hours per month to be paid pro rata, instead of a regular
monthly wage (resulting in less overtime pay); the abolition of a shift premium
of 6,75% for all shift workers and the introduction of a shift allowance limited
to nights which will benefit mostly white workers; a change in the way in which
overtime is calculated so that overtime would no longer be calculated on a
daily basis but a monthly basis (resulting in a further loss in overtime pay);
a ban on weekends off i.e. no worker to have Saturday and Sunday off in any
one week; and sick leave to be reduced from 60 days over 3 years to 37 days.
How Equity Aviation thought they could get a negotiated agreement on these
downward changes remains a complete mystery!

Satawu’s opening demand was 10% subsequently dropped to 8%. On management’s
attempts to downward vary working hours and other conditions, Satawu has been
consistent in arguing that it would be willing to talk about these proposals
outside of the wage bargaining process.

Negotiations dragged on for months, delayed for a long period by management’s
refusal to disclose financial information requested by the union. This became
the subject of a dispute on its own. Deadlock in the wage negotiations was
eventually declared by the union in November last year. The matter was referred
to the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) but little
progress was made in the talks. By mid December Satawu had issued notification
of intention to strike. The strike started on 18th December. 950 workers have
been on strike ever since. On 22nd December Equity Aviation applied for an
urgent interdict against the strike, but their application was denied with
costs.

The strike continued over Christmas and New Year with no movement from management.
Management’s next tactic was to take the unprecedented and illegal step of
selectively dismissing around 150 workers for striking. The workers were selected
for dismissal on the basis that they were “not union members of long standing”.
The dismissals became the subject of another separate dispute, with the union
applying for an urgent interdict. On the eve of the court hearing the company
backed down and withdrew the notices of dismissal. Their withdrawal became
an order of court.

Since early January there have been two further rounds of negotiation at the
CCMA as well as a number of informal talks brokered by the leadership of Cosatu.
At the time of writing management had marginally shifted its wage offer to
4% plus a 2% performance bonus. However all their other conditionalities involving
a downward variation of conditions remain.

There have been two major problems in the process of negotiation. The first
is that management has not maintained consistent representation in the negotiations.
Faces have chopped and changed, and indeed the Human Resources Executive manager
was on leave for a full month in Australia from the point at which the strike
started. The second problem is that management has constantly altered its offers,
never once reducing them to writing. The union considers this to be a form
of bad faith bargaining.

In the absence of any progress through negotiation, Satawu has moved its focus
to the mobilising of solidarity – both local and international, as well as
to putting pressure on the shareholders. Letters sent by the union to the three
major shareholders (Serco, Equity Alliance BEE consortium, and Transnet) on
19th January had not been answered at the time of writing, so clearly bolder
tactics are required to wake them up. Pressure will also be put on government
as the shareholder of Transnet and as the agent which effected the part sale
of Apron Services in the first place. Minister Radebe’s statement in the Sowetan
on 26th January has not gone down well in the union. He stated that: “We protected
the employment of workers. The issue is between the employer and the employees”.

On Friday 23rd January solidarity secondary strikes took place nationally
at SAA, Acsa, SAA Technical, LGM, SA Express, and Equity Aviation itself (workers
who currently fall outside of the bargaining unit). 450 strikers picketed the
Equity Aviation headquarters for four hours and a memorandum was delivered
to management. The company was presented with a set of five demands namely
that the company:- drop its demand for an increase in hours of work and other
downward variations of conditions, and wait for a proper timing should they
want to engage; sends consistent representatives to negotiations, comes to
the table when required, and bargains in good faith; stops selectively dismissing
striking workers and that it adheres to the court order for the re-instatement
of selectively dismissed workers; releases all outstanding payment to workers
and issues pay slips for November wages; and drops its attempts to challenge
the right of workers to picket. While Johannesburg workers were presenting
the memorandum of demands, Cape Town and Port Elizabeth workers were loudly
protesting at the airport.

At the time of writing the company was starting to use desperate measures.
They have threatened to again challenge the legality of the strike by using
the Satawu constitution. Satawu sees this as yet another strategy to avoid
good faith bargaining and is confident that this new legal challenge will be
dismissed. Meanwhile the Director of the CCMA has taken new steps to mediate
a settlement. At the time of writing he had met separately with Satawu and
was about to meet with Equity management.

Whatever the final outcome of the strike, there will be some important issues
for Satawu and Cosatu to reflect on. The first will be how to step up the struggle
for a 40 hour week at a national level, so that the issue is not left to surface
only in the course of individual disputes. The role of labour brokers in increasingly
“casualising” employment is an issue that has been somewhat hidden in the dispute
but which is nevertheless important to reflect on and strategise a response
to. The development of strategies of engagement with BEE shareholders will
also be necessary at a Federation level. Some reflection on strategies for
building international solidarity in the context of increasing multinational
involvement in our economy will also be useful. It would also be important
if the experience of the Equity Aviation strike contributes to the formulation
of proposed further amendments to Section 197 of the LRA. Clearly the wording
of the Section has given Equity Aviation the space to put unreasonable demands
on the table for a downward variation of conditions. There is also the issue
of the structure of collective bargaining to be reflected on. Currently there
is no centralised bargaining forum in the Aviation industry. The breakup of
SAA into a myriad of different services (many of which have now been privatised),
combined with the entry of many new players in the industry, has resulted in
a fragmentation of collective bargaining. This has placed excessive demands
on the union and has fragmented worker solidarity. Centralised bargaining in
the industry is therefore likely to become a key Satawu demand in the next
year. Finally, and most sobering, the strike holds many lessons for the Federation
on the consequences of privatisation for workers.

By Che Matlhako, and Carmen Baez Matlhako is the Secretary-General of
the Friends of Cuba Society (FOCUS-SA) and a member of the SACP Central
Committee. Baez is the Deputy Secretary-General of FOCUS-SA.

FOCUS-SA is indeed saddened by the developments taking place at the
World Movement for Democracy gathering in Durban. Participating at this
gathering, whose key theme is 'democracy', are groups and individuals
who have worked against the majority of the peoples of Cuba and their
right to choose their own social and political, economic and cultural
development. These are exiled-Cubans, whose sole purpose is seek to restore
and return Cuba to the pre-1959 era of Batista's dictatorship.

It is also common knowledge that among Cuban-Americans in Miami, terrorism
is a familiar story, according to the headline of an article in The Washington
Post that affirms that some expatriate Cubans have received CIA training
to fight against the communist enemy. The most extreme among them have
been accused of committing atrocities for what they believe to be a just
cause.

Miami has been the home and support point for Orlando Bosch, who served
10 years in a Venezuelan prison on charges of heading and masterminding
the sabotage of a Cubana passenger plane in 1976, which cost the lives
of the 73 people on board. He was freed, says the journalist - who would
appear to be unaware that he escaped from the Caracas prison - in 1988
without having been sentenced, and Bosch, now aged 74, lives in Miami.

By providing a platform such émigré groups,
we are legitimizing their actions and intentions, which have been declared
publicly - to
do whatever necessary to unseat Fidel Castro. That there have been numerous
threats to his and other Cuban leaders lives is a direct result of this
support to groups, which are not interested in choice of the majority,
but their private accumulation.

This gathering should not be a camouflage for those seeking to impose
a uniform understanding of 'democracy' and 'democratic system' throughout
the world because it benefits particular superpowers and therefore declare
that is the only system the world should embrace.

We reject with contempt suggestions that Cuba is autocratic and reject
the disinformation about the Cuban reality and the achievements of the
Cuban Revolution. We oppose the illegal and immoral blockade and sanctions
against Cuba and all foreign intervention, which attempt to undermine
the social, economic and political achievements of the Cuban people.

The Friends of Cuba Society (FOCUS-South Africa), a progressive, volunteer
non-government organization, committed to among others the expansion
and strengthening of friendship and solidarity between the peoples of
South Africa and Cuba, upholding the right of South Africans and Cuban
peoples to self-determination and national sovereignty.

We call on all progressive organizations and friends to rally behind
the Cuba Revolution.

As Alice Walker said; "Whatever its imperfections,
in Cuba the poor have not been held in contempt; they have been empowered"

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