October 1997
Cosatu
Congress united in drive for Transformation
At its Sixth Congress in September, COSATU clearly asserted its socialist
vision, and its concrete plans for a socialist future. Two thousand three
hundred delegates, representing 1.7 million paid-up affiliate members,
were unambivalent about supporting socialism as promising workers a better
future.
Crucial to the congress were decisions about a central role for COSATU,
in influencing the political and economic transformation of South Africa.
In his opening speech, federation president John Gomomo voiced the dissatisfaction
of many: "Workers are concerned about the legacy of apartheid on such
issues as mismanagement of our economy, the debt burden, a deformed public
service, vast unemployment and poverty, concentration of economic activity
in the hands of a few, massive economic and social inequalities."
He attacked the "arrogant approach" of business in NEDLAC: "All
issues placed on the table that will bring about changes in the lives of
our members have been rejected out of hand. Yet, every day we are told
to co-operate with them. They have to re-think their approach."
He attacked GEAR, calling it a "monster". It was clear that delegates
agreed with him, in spite of the spirited defence of the government's economic
policies President Mandela later made in his own address.
The Congress was innovative and creative, taking decisions in matters that
are new ground for trade unions, though closely linked to the well-being
of workers. Most important was the decision that COSATU should play an
active part in the economy and development of South Africa. It believes,
for example, in strong state intervention in the productive sector, and
the capacity of the state to provide basic services in communities.
This accords with recommendations of the September Commission, which considered
the future of trade unionism in this country, and, in its recently published
report, suggested that COSATU be involved in matters like an industrial
development strategy, and in changing investment patterns and forms of
management.
COSATU intends to work at influencing Alliance policy, and, through it,
government policy. One way of doing this is to work as a partner in the
Alliance, which remains, as a place 1for working out joint strategies,
and formulating joint policy on the basis of areas of agreement. COSATU
will raise policy proposals at the ANC Policy Conference in November, at
the ANC National Conference, and the SACP National Congress next year.
COSATU and the SACP will fight the next elections together with the ANC.
This was made clear at the Alliance Summit at the end of August, and was
confirmed by the COSATU congress.
The federation intends to help build the ANC as an organisation with
a bias towards the workers and the poor.
Organisations within the Alliance will retain their independence, and COSATU
says it will retain its right to mass action: another way of putting pressure
on the government.
Influence within the Alliance has already begun to show. The Minister of
Labour has withdrawn the Employment Standards Bill from NEDLAC, and will
table it in Parliament after all. The government has announced that GEAR
is "not cast in stone"; a step back, even if not a real retreat
from, its previous position, that GEAR was "not negotiable".
Another bold decision was that COSATU should work on developing political
and economic theory. As well as producing its own alternative to Gear,
to discuss within the Alliance, it will begin discussing its definition
of socialism, "together with the SACP, and, where appropriate, with
the ANC."
A statement issued after the Congress by the national office-bearers said,
"It is not socialism that has failed our country. It is capitalism,
under the stewardship of big capital and the National Party."
Every member
should be a Fundraiser
An important and political task
The Party needs money. Garth Strachan of the SACP Central Committee
and Finance Committee describes the situation, in the first of what will
be a series of articles.
Sometimes, fundraising is seen as not important or political enough, but,
without money, the Party cannot exist. We have to pay rent for offices,
wages to full-time workers; we have to pay telephone bills, and all the
other expenses that to go maintain our organisation.
The SACP can expect no large donations from the bosses and big capital,
so where does the money come from?
It has to come from us. That is, it has to come from our members and supporters.
But the members of our Party are drawn mainly from the working class and
unemployed, and generally can afford only small contributions. The SACP
cannot guarantee stop orders from its members through shop floor agreements,
as trade unions do. It must collect membership dues and subs through its
branch structures.
The National Congress in April next year is going to cost money, which
we are going to have to raise, so it is vital that our financial health
should be strengthened.
The Financial Committee has launched a national fundraising drive: the
Chris Hani Appeal. In addition, the national leadership has appealed to
all structures that the fundraising should be driven by the political leadership,
and not left simply to one or two comrades. Every member should be a fundraiser.
Provincial and branch leaders have been instructed to:
Set targets for collecting debit orders, the core of the campaign. Provinces
get back 50% of the funds raised, for their own work.
Appeal to important people in the province to provide donations, either
in money or in kind; a donation of transport, for example. or of office
space, can be very important. Many people in our communities will support
the SACP and what it stands for.
Organise events: discos, cultural evenings, high-profile speaker events,
sports festivals, movie shows and even house meetings, Saturday street
stalls selling Umsebenzi. Events raise money, help build organisation,
and build the SACP profile.
We hear that, in many areas, SACP structures have already been doing
many of these things, and have organised a variety of events, in interesting
and creative ways.
Let us know what you do: how much you raise, and how you raise it. Umsebenzi
hopes to report on examples of good fundraising. Fundraising is an important
political and organisational task, not just a matter of accounting.
Political
Education
The basis of Communist organisation
The recent COSATU Congress highlighted the need for socialists to
re-commit themselves to building organisational strength and capacity.
Specifically, we have been reminded that it is the political party that
must play a central and fundamental role in struggling for socialism. Dale
McKinley revisits the basics needed to carry out our tasks.
1. Communist organisation must be adapted to the specific historical
circumstances of the country in which it operates, and to the specific
conditions and purpose of its activity. (It's no use, for example, expecting
industrial workers to lead the revolution in a nation composed of small
farmers and shopkeepers).
2. Common to all Communist organisation is the working class struggle.
In other words, the fundamental political task of the working class is
to struggle for its rights, against the bourgeoisie, who own the means
of production, distribution and exchange.
3. The basic organisational task of a Communist Party is to become the
leader of the revolutionary working-class movement through having the closest
ties with the working class itself. Without these ties, the leadership
will not lead the masses, but, at best, tail after them.
4. Communist activity needs to be centralised. This doesn't mean formal,
mechanical centralisation, but rather the building of a leadership which
is strong, quick to react, and flexible. Otherwise, the masses will see
centralisation as bureaucratisation, and will oppose leadership and discipline.
5. A Communist Party must avoid separation or estrangement between the
leadership and the people.
6. The work of the Party should be a working school of revolutionary Marxism,
through day-to-day collective work in the organisation. Every member should
be expected to devote time and energy to the Party, and always to give
the best in service.
7. Communist Party members should attend meetings, at whatever level, regularly.
This must be married to concrete tasks, to be carried out in such a way
that cadres see their work as useful, desirable and practicable. Otherwise,
even the most energetic participation in worker struggles will fail to
influence those struggles.
8. Communists should report back to the Party on the political work they
have done.
9. Communist propaganda includes: individual discussion, participation
in the union movement and its struggles, and through the Party press and
literature. It should raise the political understanding and the militancy
of those who hear it.
10. As part of its struggle against all capitalist social relations, a
Communist Party must make it a priority to develop a comprehensive gender
consciousness among its cadres and the working class as a whole. This should
be reflected in the Party's work, in relationships between cadres, and
as a central component of its propaganda.
12. We must work so that workers recognise our Communist organisation as
the leading element of their own movement. Communists must be involved
in every worker struggle, and in the concrete questions of the workers'
movement.
(Many of these points are taken from, "Guidelines on the Organisational
Structure of Communist Parties, on the Methods and Content of their Work",
as adopted at the 24th session of the Third Congress of the Communist International,
July 1921.)
Red Stars and Thumbs down to 3 Thumbs Down: to the out-of-touch Democratic Party 2 Thumbs Down: to Minister of Justice, Dullah |
Provincial Focus
Arrests
in the Richmond district
SACP press statement
The people of KwaZulu-Natal have been in a state of shock, grief
and anger, over the recent murders near Richmond. On September 16th, after
the police had made arrests, the SACP in KwaZulu-Natal issued a statement,
saying that it appreciated the positive moves made by the SAPS Special
Unit in the Richmond district. The statement also said:
We hope that the
arrest of sixteen people, including Sifiso Nkabinde, will bring violence
and killing of people in Richmond to an end. We urge the people in local
communities to co-operate with the security forces, and bring information
forward for the arrest of all those responsible for the killing of our
people.
The SACP will support every move to arrest any individual, no matter how
popular, as long as his or her being with the community results in violence.
The time to use political violence to occupy the political centre stage,
is buried.
Let the long arm of the law and justice take its course. Let there be
peace, security, development and bread to the South African working class.
Rugby
is rooted in the traditions of the oppressed
Chris Derby Magobotiti of the SACP branch at the University of the
Western Cape, looks at the class nature of South African rugby.
The history of rugby in South Africa runs parallel, in a racist, white
minority group, and in historically oppressed communities: that is, coloured,
African and Indian.
This history has
a rich legacy of resistance. Speaking to some veterans in Queenstown in
the Eastern Cape, I got the strong impression that, in the 1950s, rugby
was highly organised in working-class communities, explicitly challenging
the racist Springboks.
These former players argued that the rugby project was fused in the ongoing
national democratic revolution in order to liberate and unify the historically
oppressed communities, coloured and Africans, in the eastern and western
Cape Province in particular.
People were harassed and arrested, but campaigns and mobilisation were
intensified. There was overwhelming international support, the Springboks
became isolated, and began to go on rebel tours.
The strategic perspectives of the SACP are to advance, deepen and defend
the April 1994 democratic breakthough. Many possibilities have opened up
for the radical transformation of our society, but are not always obviously
available to the dispossessed, toiling masses.
Instead, our transformation, in rugby particularly, has begun to favour
the capitalist class.
The interests of the bourgeoisie are always narrow, based on profit, seeking
to use nation-building as a vehicle for bourgeois interests. Where is development
in rugby going, and for whose class interests? Isn't rugby vanishing in
working-class communities?
It seems to me that rugby has been taken away from the townships. Players
from working-class communities are not able to acquaint themselves with
constantly emerging new rugby rules, and cannot compete with their privileged
opponents. Playing conditions in the townships are devastatingly poor,
and white players refuse to play there. Communities are alienated.
The bourgeoisie has taken away our television rights to rugby, and sold
them to major media conglomerates. They have dominated our game, and made
sure that we don't own it any more; ours is soccer.
We need to reclaim our game and fields, otherwise the whole initiative
will be lost.
South African
Prisons are still unreconstructed
The police and the prisons in the old days were the most important
insruments of apartheid repression. While clear attempts are now being
made to reform the police force, the prisons seem to remain unreconstructed.
We read almost
daily about former security policemen confessing their crimes in order
to get amnesty, but there is no sign of prison officers doing the same.
No representatives from the Department of Correctional Services came to
the TRC hearing on prisons in July. Yet terrible abuses have taken place
in South African gaols.
The Prisons Act, which once forbade publication of information about prison
and prisoners isn't observed any longer; former prisoners, including President
Mandela himself, have broken it by publishing prison memoirs; yet what
happens in the prisons is not yet a matter of public discussion.
There should be wide discussion, because there is no sign that either the
philosophy or the practice of the prison service has changed.
Fourteen years ago, during the years of repression, the Prisons Department
gave the figures for deaths in prison, from July 1981 to June 1981, as
199: 157 from "natural causes", others from suicide, accidents,
assaults by fellow prisoners, assaults by warders and being shot while
trying to escape.
Recent figures from the Department of Correctional Services are shockingly
similar. The number of deaths in prison during the year 1994-1995 was 249,
and 188 of these died of "natural causes". Other causes given
included "shooting", "other", transport accidents and
drowning.
What does "other" mean? And don't deaths from transport accidents
and drowning show some negligence on the part of the prison authorities?
And what about the astonishing explanation, "natural causes"?
Do these include neglected illness, such as untreated heart attacks and
untreated asthma? Deaths from asthma have been known to take place in prisons.
No use asking the commanding officers or the warders: it's too easy for
them to lie, for there will rarely have been independent witnesses. NICRO,
the prisons-monitoring body, reports that, where there are abuses, prisoner
still have to resort to devious, secret ways of getting news out.
The Department of Correctional Services has built a new maximum-security
gaol to keep society safe from the most dangerous criminals. But there
are other prisoners, too, and an urgent need for real reform of the prison
service.
These suggestions for reform were made by a witness at the TRC prisons
hearing in July:
- An independent monitoring body, with a medical component, reporting
to Parliament, and with the right to table its reports publicly. It should
have the right to inspect prisons at short notice, and interview prisoners,
if it thinks this necessary. - Real rehabilitation for prisoners. This means training for long-term
prisoners especially. It includes literacy classes, training in use of
machines, like sewing machines, typewriters and computers, earth-moving
equipment, and training in skills like chicken-farming. - Intensive re-training of prison staff.
We
need a strong,vibrant public sector
An Alliance task team, headed by Deputy President
Thabo Mbeki, is to be set up to look into the problems of the state apparatus
and the civil service. In this article, Philip Dexter MP identifies some
problems in the public sector, and discusses solutions.
So far, the achievements of transformation in
the public sector have been to appoint a more racially representative management,
and to generally get commitments to improving cost accounting, general
performance, transparency and delivery.
Too often, however, this has gone together with a commitment to down-sizing,
a reduction in some services, attempting to apply business principles in
a mechanical way, and, increasingly, contracting out and privatisation.
The entire public sector faces problems of costs
and efficiency, productivity, representivity, responsiveness, accountability,
quality of services and output, poor management, low staff skills, and
enormous salary differentials - or the apartheid wage gap.
One of the consequences of the crisis in the state
has been that certain services have deteriorated, and some have stopped
altogether. This is generally the case in weak or poor local governments,
in some provinces, and, in particular, in rural areas. In other cases,
services cannot be upgraded because of the lack of resources available
for investment.
A generalised response to this situation is that
which argues that, because the state isn't functioning, the private sector
must be drawn in to deliver the necessary services.
Again, when public enterprises are seen to be
operating at a loss, privatisation is proposed. Sometimes people forget
to consider other ways of making enterprises function effectively or profitably.
It is essential to the success of the national
democratic revolution that the government is supported in its efforts at
reconstruction and development by a strong, vibrant, healthy, responsive,
representative, accountable, efficient, productive and loyal public sector.
What is required to effect the necessary transformation
is the political will, the courage to take some hard decisions, and the
setting up of some priorities. The key issue is political leadership.
Cyprus
divided
Problems of partition
In the island of Cyprus in the Eastern Mediterranean, Greek and Turkish
Cypriots lived together for centuries. Now, United Nations troops guard
the border between them. Andros Kyprianou, member of the Political Bureau
of the Central Committee of the Progress Party of Working People in Cyprus
(AKEL), explains the situation.
In July, 1974, the
military junta then in power in Greece staged a coup against the President
of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios, and his legal government. This was followed
by a Turkish invasion from the mainland. Since then, the island has been
artificially divided; 35 000 Turkish troops are stationed in the occupied
areas, which form 37% of the territory, and 180 000 individuals are still
refugees in their own country.
A number of UN Security Council resolutions have demanded the withdrawal
of the occupation troops and settlers, but Ankara and Denktash, the Turkish
Cypriot leader, have ignored them.
There has been no progress since 1974. Ankara and Denktash have been intransigent,
and the international community, especially the USA and Britain, has been
reluctant to exert any kind of pressure on them.
In spite of recent talks in Troutbeck and Montreux, the Security Council
has stopped short of taking any kind of action. By this, we don't mean
that the Greek Cypriot side expected the Security Council to take military
action against Ankara and Denktash, but we did expect the Council at least
to condemn the positions they had taken, and exert pressure on them to
take up more positive positions.
Accession negotiations between the European Union and Cyprus are expected
to begin next September. Akel believed this process could have been used
to help with a solution to the problem. Unfortunately, officials of certain
member-states - Italy, Germany and France - have, directly or indirectly,
stated that the solution should come first.
At the same time, they have implied that the Turkish Cypriots should
participate in these talks as a separate entity. Our position is that they
should be part of the delegation of the Republic of Cyprus.
After all these negative developments, Cyprus is at a dangerous crossroads,
closer than ever before to a legislated, de jure, division of the island.
We appeal to the international community to help us reach a just and viable
solution to the problem. A solution which will safeguard the rights and
interests of all Cypriots. A solution which will lead to a bizonal, bicommunal,
federal state, with a singly sovereignty, single international personality,
and single citizenship, and where human rights will be preserved.
Fifth congress
of the Cuban Communist Party
At the time of our going to press, the Cuban Communist Party is preparing
for its historic Fifth Congress. The importance Cubans attach to this Congress
is clear from the 230 000 meetings held during the past year by all sections
of Cuban society, in preparation for adoption of the Party Programme, entitled,
"The Party of Unity, Democracy and the Human Rights We Defend."
Over 1 500 delegates will be present, elected at assemblies of the party
at the municipal level. The Fifth Congress will evaluate the work carried
out since the Fourth Congress in 1991, with special emphasis on analysing
the economic situation, and progress in the face of the continuing US blockade.
An article in in the official Party newspaper, "Granma", states:
"we will continue to advance along the path of our socialism, with
our battle standards held high."
Capitalism
in crisis
"Asian tigers" becomming tame"
Over the last decade, what were called the "miracle" economies
of "Asian tigers" gave rise to the theory that the economic performance
of these countries held a secret that would revise world capitalism. Developing
countries, such as South Africa, were told that adopting "free market",
open economies, like the tigers' would ensure growth, employment and redistribution.
Delegations from
South Africa have journeyed to the tigers, to see their methods. Some came
back and told us that we could do it too, but we would have to swallow
the economic medicine prescribed by the capitalist architects of these
miracles. So, along came GEAR, hailed as a framework that would make us
an African tiger. What lcal disciples of the tigers didn't bargain on was
that the foundation of the miracle growth strategy was shaky, that the
economic medicine was poison for the majority - that is, the workers and
the poor. The tigers' main source of investment, and subsequent growth,
was speculative. Capitalist jackals, in the form of mutual fund managers
and investment bankers, poured in capital in their search for get-rich-quick
opportunities. Last year alone, a reported R1 trillion from these sources
were invested into the emerging markets of Asia, sending Asian stock markets
soaring, and inflating the currencies.
Where did this investment go? Into promised infrastructural development?
Into a sophisticated manufacturing industry? Into productivity and training
of skilled workers? Most went into property speculation, that produced
the wealth of the new Asian elite.
In the Philippines, the latest addition to the tiger club, one of the
busiest economic activities is building golf courses for the rich and the
small middle class, alongside theme parks and hotels for tourists. Last
year, property represented 60% of the Philippine stock market.
Exports have been promoted by the IMF, the World Bank, and transnational
corporations. The corporations import raw materials and components, use
cheap local labour to assemble finished products, and create little in
the way of local manufacturing, or a firm base for sound economic development.
An illusion of growth emanated from privatisation programmes. Much foreign
direct investment went into buying up state-owned assets, and did little
to increase gross domestic product (GDP). High growth rates were related
more to investment itself than to productivity.
The vast gap between the wealthy and the majority who live in dire poverty
shows the hollowness of the growth. The consequences have been clearly
visible: mass strikes and demonstrations in South Korea, growing worker
resistance in the Philippines and Indonesia, and increasingly violent opposition
in Malaysia.
A year ago, the bottom began to drop out of the boom, precipitated by
a decline in exports and global trade. Investment began to fall, growth
rates were stunted. Now, many of the tiger economies are in a currency
crisis. A weak industrial base, poor productivity and the rush of savings
into property speculation has left overvalued currencies vulnerable.
Thailand's currency was forced into a 20% devaluation. Threatened with
collapse, Thailand was compelled to accept an R85 billion support package
from the IMF, with the usual anti-people conditions. Then, the Philippine
peso was devalued by 10%, forcing the governement to back it up by borrowing
over R7 billion. In both countries, high interest rates were imposed to
stem internal speculation - a measure that only reduces growth.
The latest victims have been Malaysia and Indonesia. Malaysia is trying
to fend off a crisis by calling for a ban on currency trading, but the
imperialists have laughed this off as ludicrous. The Indonesian government
has announced deep, wide-ranging spending cuts and delays in major projects.
So much for the new, dynamic growth of world capitalism. We should remember
that it is the public sector and the people who are paying the price for
the economic "miracles" of the capitalists.
